1777. PARLIAMENTARY HISTORY. entering into it, were furnished with reafons, but too colourable, for breaking off their dependency on the crown of this kingdom. "To affure his majefty, that removing our confidence from those who in to many inftances have grofly abufed it, we fhall endeavour to reftore to parliament, the confidence of all his people. To this end, it may be adviseable to make a more minute enquiry into the grievances of the colonies, as well as into the conduct of minifters, with regard to them. We may think it proper, particularly, to enquire how it has happened, that the commerce of this kingdom has been left expofed to the reprisals of the colonies, at the very time that their feamen and fishermen being indifcriminately prohibited from the peaceable exercife of their occupations, and declared open enemies, must be expected, with a certain assurance, to betake themselves to plunder, and to reck their revenge on the commerce of Great Britain. "That we understand, that amidst the many difafters and difgraces which have attended on his majesty's arms in many parts of America, an advantage has been gained by his majesty's Britifh and foreign mercenary forces, in the province of New York. That if a wife, moderate and prudent ufe be made of this advantage, it is not improbable, that happy effects may refult from that use. And we aflure his majesty, that nothing fhall be wanting on our part to enable his majesty to take full advantage of any difpofitions to reconciliation, which may be the confequence of the miferies of war, by laying down on our part, real permanent grounds of connexion between Great Britain and the colonies, on principles of liberty and terms of mutual advantage. "That whilst we lament this effufion of English blood, (which we hope has not been greater or other than neceffi y required and honour juftified) we should most heartily congratulate his majelly, on any event leading to the great defirable end of fettling a peace, which might promife to laft, by the restoration of the ancient affection which has happily fubfifted between this kingdom and its colonies; any other would neceffarily require, 13 even in case of a total conqueft, an army to maintain, ruinous to the finances, and incompatible with the freedom of his majefty's people. We fhould look with the utmost shame and horror, on any events of what nature foever, that should tend to break the fpirit of any large part of the British nation, to bow them to an abject unconditional fubmiflion to any power what foever, to annihilate their liberties, and to fubdue them to fervile principles, and paffive habits, by the mere force of mercenary arms. Becaufe, amidst the exceffes and abuses which have happened, we must respect the fpirit and principles operating in thefe commotions, our with is to regulate, not to deftroy them. For though differing in fome circumftances, thofe very principles evidently bear fo exact an analogy with thofe which support the most valuable part of our own conftitution, that it is impoffible with any appearance of justice, to think of wholly extirpating them by the fword in any part of his majesty's dominions, without admitting confequences, and establishing precedents the most dangerous to the liberties of this kingdom." The amendment was feconded by the Duke of Manchefter, which produced a debate that continued till half paft nine o'clock, when the queftion being put, the Houfe divided, contents 26, non contents 91. The question was next put on the addrefs, which was agreed to, without a divifion. The leading arguments in favour of the amendment, were nearly fimilar to those contained in the amendment itfelf; unless the attacks made directly on the fpeech, which was treated with an openness and asperity we do not remember to have heard for feveral years. It was charged with duplicity, hypocrify, impofition, and the groffeft falfehoods. The following pallages were those, most strongly objected to by the oppofition. "They (the Americans) have rejected, with circumstances of indignity and infult, the means of conciliation held out to them, under the authority of our commiffion." This paffage was condemned, indeed, in very harsh terms. It was infifted, that no terms were offered, nor could be offered, but unconditional fub miflion. 14 PARLIAMENTARY HISTORY. miffion. That the king's word was pledged in the fpeech, at the opening of the preceding fefhon, that conditions would be propofed to the confideration of parliament, which were never after thought of; but to mislead the public, ministers had inferted a claufe in the capture act, to empower his majefty to appoint commiffioners, to grant pardons which his majesty could have done without, as well as with the act. The prefent paragraph, therefore, was a reiteration of the fame grofs falfehood, dreffed up in another manner. Laft year, a promile was made, that conditions and meafures of obedience would be offered to the Americans: that promife was never fulfilled. Now another falfehood is ingrafted on that; it is said that they have rejected the means of conciliation, though it is notorious that no fuch means have been offered, no choice but an appeal to arms, or throwing them down at the feet of their victors, and relinquishing the object of controverfy, being now left. Again, I continue to receive affurances of amity, from the feveral courts of Europe." On this paffage it was obferved, that the words in the fpeech and the conduct of adminiftration, were in the most manifeft contradiction to each other; for it was to the Jatt degree abfurd to talk of affurances of amity, when the laft Gazette contained an order in coun il, for an embargo; which was followed the next day by the ftill more decifive meature of iffing prefs warrants. The following paffage called forth the moft fevere animadverfions from almost every noble lord who spoke on the part of oppofition. "My defire is, to restore to them the bleffings of law and liberty equally enjoyed by every British fubject." It was contended, that here an abfolute falfehood had been put into the mouth of the f; for he was made to promile, what was not in his power to perform; or if it were, what would be extremely improper and impolitic. He was like wife made to follow this promife, or wifh, with an affertion totally unfounded in truth, and diametrically oppofite to the fentiments of the very perfons who advised the paragraph in queftion, becaufe the ground of Lords Gorer and Suffolk. Jan. the prefent civil war as laid and fup. ported by adminiftration, is in the first place that the people of America have no law, liberty, or property, but what this country fhall think proper to grant them; and fecondly, becaufe the neceffary retraints on their trade abridge thofe liberties and that commerce which the people of Great Britain are known to enjoy without controul or diminution. The addrefs was very feebly defended. The abfence of two*, out of four cabinet minifters, threw the whole weight on the other twof, and we cannot but fay, we never remember to have feen it more aukwardly fuftained. The paffages in the fpeech which were objected to, were fupported upon general principles. The declaration of independency, and the manner Lord Howe's proclamation was received, were ftated as fufficient to prove the truth of the affertion, that the means of conciliation held out to them, under his lordfhip's commiffion, were rejected. His majefty's with, to reftore them to the bleffings of law and liberty, was founded in the most magnanimous, paternal, and generous fentiments; and as to the petty cavils and diftin&tions relative to the refpective portions of law and liberty, enjoyed by the feveral dominions or dependencies of this great empire, it was a mere waite of words; the pofition was subftantially true; the political benefits derived from living under fuch a go. vernment, were equally felt, though the medium, through which thote bleffings were derived, might be different. The great stress of the debate turned on the affurances of amity, re ceived from foreign courts; ftrength of our navy; and what state of naval preparation we were in, in cafe of a rupture with France and Spain. But after a long uninterefting converfation, and at length warm altercation, when the fift commillioner of the admiralty was just on the pint of giving the explanations defired, and preffed by his lordship's adverfaries, the Houfe over ruled it, and the ministers and their friends closed the debate, by afforing the Houfe, that we had a fleet then, fufficient to protect us against any fudden attack of Lords Sandwich and Weymouth. the Our 1777. Arguments to prove Love preferable to Ambition. our enemies; and that by the month of February, or early in March, we fhould have forty fail of the line ready for the fea, with full complements of able feamen aboard, which would be a force fufficient to cope, if not fuperior to any that France and Spain could poffibly oppofe to it. HOUSE OF COMMONS. There was nothing that distinguished the business in this Houfe, from that in the other, worth taking notice of The fame amendment as that moved by Lord Rockingham, was offered by Lord John Cavendish, the fame argu, ments were reforted to on either hand, and the question met with a similar fate. The only material difference was refpecting an interview between Gen. Washington, and the adjutant general, who delivered a meffage from Lord Howe, by which it appeared, that after many fruitlefs attempts to lay a foundation to negociate, the whole came to nothing, when the I 15 Americans discovered that the commiffioners were not fufficiently authorized to agree upon any preliminaries short of a direct surrender, on their part, of the matter in contest between them and the mother country *. At half after eleven o'clock, the question was put on the amendment, when the Houfe divided, ayes 87, noes 242. This made way for the main queftion, when the Houfe again divided, ayes 232, noes 83. November 1. This day there was a very full House, in expectation that the debate would be warmly renewed, on the report of the addrefs; the minifter himfelf, in the lobby, on the laft divifion the preceding night, having folicited, publicly and loudly, the attendance of his friends; but contrary to all expectation, the report was agreed to without any further oppofition. To the EDITOR of the LONDON MAGAZINE. Was fome time fince in company with a few friends, when an odd kind of dispute arofe among us, whether LOVE be preferable to AMBITION, and to which of thefe two paffons a gentleman may be permitted moft to attach himfelf? For my own part, as I have been a 'married man, and have children living, I declared, without hesitation, in favour of LOVE. I was, however, much furprized to find, after the matter had been nicely debated, that my opinion was carried by a majority of one only. In the courfe of our arguments, one in company alluded to a French author, who had canvaffed this matter, and upon whofe authority he grounded his opinion. I have fince borrowed that book of my friend, and now trouble you with a tranflation of the point in question. IN FAVOUR OF LOVE. Love adminifters perfect pleafures, which are the more preferable to all others, as they are founded on the chafte fentiments of nature, and infpire the most pleafing and chearful fatisfaction with ourselves: it foothes the fenfes by its fweets, the mind by making it converfant with beauty, and the heart by poffeffion. Love makes a man agreeable, polite, fplendid, tender, and tames even favage beats. It can infpire courage when neceffary, and is the fource from whence flows a numberless multitude of heroic actions. It eafes lovers after their fatigues, by placing them in a delightfui ftate, where they tafle fwester and more undisturbed joys. In a word, love 'attracts kings, philofophers, and even the ambitious themselves, who, for the fake of thofe they love, abandon the greatest honours. IN FAVOUR OF AMRITIÓN. Love indeed gives pleafures, but all thefe are confined to the 'fenfes ; whereas ambition elevates the genius and the courage. The pleafures of love are tranfient, and the lover often blushes at his follies. Whereas ambition never dies; and an ambitious man, fo far from blufhing at his glory, publifes it to the whole world. The life of lovers is fullied by their foftnefs and effeminacy; whereis ambition forms conquerors, and gives them poffeffion of the univerfe. Love has indeed fubdued the hearts of the most stubborn * See a full account of this interview in our last volume, p. 695. con 16 The idle Bustle of Men. A true Story. conquerors; for it laid Troy in ashes, and loft Mark Antony the world. In a word, the tranquillity of love is an indolence, incompatible with all great actions; but ambition is a divine fire, which animates heroes, and makes them worthy of empire. The following paffage, in the fame author, immediately follows the above. The empire of women is unlimited, fince they rule thofe who govern all things. There is no confiderable intrigue, no important affair, but fome female is concerned in it. A monarch shall forbid accefs to a perfon, whom a woman, a moment after, will lead by the hand into the cabinet. Women open all doors, and penetrate into the most profound fecrets. Before Jan them, men lay afide all gravity, all their myfterious countenance. A man ceases to be a magiftrate, a minifter, a prince-all of them troublesome characters-characters ftrained and affumed. Such great perfonages will return to the state of plain nature, become weak, wanton, and often childifh. Inftead of employing ftudied words, they blunt out whatever is uppermoft in their minds, and fpeak like common mortals. The majestic fpeeches in which they just before had determined the fate of the world, are fucceeded by calm and eafy converfations. The mind, fatigued with important reflections, is then at eafe, and the heart begins to cool and breathe the air of liberty. The idle Bustle of Men. A true Story. Vis inertice! con Speravit magnæ laudi fore. THERE is no one folow any one courtesy of felf-love) finds some one ftill more low for him to triumph over, or to triumph over him, for it is all one. "The duke of Montagu and Jack Spencer knocked one night at the next door (in St. Martin's lane) to Dr. Mifaubin's a standing butt of this kind of wit, and of this kind of wits) and the maid opening, defired to come in, and at the fame time pufhed forward; nobody happening to be at home, he was frightened out of her fenfes, but they affured her, that they only wanted to go into the garden to look over Mifaubin's wall; in the mean time fhe obferved the ftar. Prefently afterwards one of their footmen came with a couple of great earthen pots they had fent him to buy, with THR J. HOR. SAT. II. 3. 98. wouch of occe, andelves emptied the they themselves wall on a feat in the Dr's. garden, on which he used frequently to fit and read. Their scheme was that he fhould come and fit down there as ufual; he felt the joke, and never came there, and they had their trouble for their pains."-The idle buftle of poor human creatures! but thefe were the choice fpirits, the very falt and feafoning of the times. What a compliment thefe great people made the doctor, whom they were playing upon in the mere infolence of their fuperiority of quality and fortune, to fuppofe, as a firft principle, that the chance of ftinking him was worth the real ftinking themfelves! Thefe ingenious men did this, becaufe he was a very wrong-headed fellow. Uter eft infanior borum ? THE CONTENTED SHEPHERD. HRICE happy do I pafs my life, We live content as man and wife; At morn with Phoebus I arife, Beyond the merchant's ftock, 1777. Political Character of Lord JOHN CAVENDISH. HIS noble lord is one of the most pofition in the Houfe of Commons. He ufually frames the motions of recommitment, adjournment, or amend ment, according to the nature of the queftions, or meafures introduced, propofed, or fupported by adminiftration. His lordship, befides being in fome measure the reprefentative of the noble and illuftrious houfe of Cavendif in that Houle, fills another ftation no lefs honourable and confpicuous, that of leading the Whig party: he fills, in fhort, a ftation in one House, exactly fimilar to that occupied by a noble marquis in the other; and as we have given our thoughts in a curfory manner, more than once, on the cenfurable conduct of the modern Whigs, it is proper that we should fet that matter in a true light, left it might be taken either as a virtual ap. probation of thofe who fupplanted them in office, and pre-engaged the confidence and affection of their young fovereign, or, left we should be underfood that the Rockingham or Whig party avow and maintain in all its parts the fame fyftem of government administered by their predeceffors. This would indeed be a kind of Jewish political difpenfation; it would be vifiting the fins of the fathers on the children to the third and fourth generation on one hand, while it would be rank predestination on the other, to impute the mere profejions of the Tories as righteoufnejs. To afcertain the value of those two parties, it will be neceflary to take a short retrospective view of them, in their leading stages, and in their respective states of perfection and dege neracy. The Whigs were in their greatest ftate of perfection during the three or four first years of the reign of King William: they degenerated gradually, from their firft junction with the Tories, about that period, who twice incorporated with them, and twice betrayed them; till at length having been contaminated by this intercourfe, and on the acceffion of the Hanover Jan. 1777 17 family having gained the entire afcen- We shall not rehearfe the fpeculative The Tories condemned the riot-act, the feptennial parliament act, standing armies, places, pentions, and finecure pofts--because the Whigs avowed, establifhed, or fupported the neceffity or propriety of them; yet they have been in poffeffion of power for nearly fifteen years, and they have not taken a fingle ftep to carry into execution thofe measures, the neceffity of which they had rung the changes on for upwards of forty years; but, on the contrary, have uniformly oppofed, fmothered, or derided every attempt of the kind, as ftrenuously as they urged them, when out of power. From this faithful sketch we are, we prefume, authorifed to draw this fair, and manifeft deduction, from the Revolution to the prefent year, being a period of eighty-feven years, of which the Whigs have had the afcendancy for fifty-seven and the Tories for about thirty; that they were both equally liberal of promises when out, and equally forgetful, and averfe to perform them, when in; that a debt of one hundred and fifty millions has been contracted; and that, till the commencement of the prefent reign, it is difficult for the impartial man, or the lover of truth, to determine which of thefe parties did more mischief, unlefs in reference to their refpective abilities, which chiefly depended on the growing wealth of the people, and the taxes which had been drawn from D "Lord Mansfield's coalition in 1756. (†) Mr. Pitt. (1) Lord Bute's entrance into power, in 1762. them. |