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fact they did not do so. Roma did not become a Roman goddess till the time of Hadrian.27 When the Romaia were celebrated in Athens in 152 B.C.28 the commissioners in charge were Athenians -which is the more striking since in the same year two men with Roman names helped to administer the Ptolemaeia. When, moreover, in about 126 B.C. the Romaia were celebrated on Delos, where the largest part of the population was already Roman, of the twenty-one commissioners in charge seventeen were Athenians and the other four Greeks.29 As early as 140 B.C. the Italians on Delos formed an association, with three free-born and three freedmen magistri, or masters, at its head, for the worship of Mercury, Maea, and Minerva, together with the Lares compitales. Some thirty years later they reorganized their association and admitted to their circle of deities Apollo and Neptune, adding at the same time three additional freemen and three additional freedmen to their magisterial board. A little later they took possession of a fine new headquarters in which were housed Mercury, Neptune, and Apollo, as well as the Italici.30 At this time, moreover, occurred a differentiation on which we wish to lay special stress. In the place of earlier worship-an enclosure, or compitum, at a central crossroads in the business part of the town-the Lares were henceforth the chief objects of devotion. For their cult, in which the slaves and freedmen had the largest part on Delos as elsewhere, a board of attendants (ministri)-the so-called Kompetaliastae, was instituted. None of these officials was ever a free-born Roman: some were freedmen and the rest Greeks. Their task was particularly the celebration of the well-known plebeian and servile fête, the Compitalia. With the disappearance of full Roman citizens from its charge and that of the compitum generally a further change follows: Ποτάμωνι Λεσβώνακτος, τῷ σωτῆρι καὶ εὐεργέτᾳ καὶ κτίστᾳ τῆς πόλιος. The question must therefore be asked: Did Potamon also receive the Roman citizenship? It is not necessary to make this assumption. In an inscription of the second century A.D. (Eph. Epigr., II. 11, no. 7) we find a certain Artemisia designated τὰν ἀπύγονον Ποτάμωνος τῷ νομοθέτα καὶ Λεσβώνακτος τῷ φιλοσόφω. It thus appears that Potamon was at some time appointed dictator reipublicae constituendae. While creator of the law (vouoerns) he was of course above it. On Dittenberger's interpretation of the third inscription from the Mytilenaean dedication (Syll., I. 546) he may have been in this authoritative position at the time the divine honors were accorded to Pompey and Theophanes.
* With dedications made for example Ερμει καὶ Ιταλικοῖς oι 'Απόλλωνι Kai 'IrakiKoiç (BCH., XXXIV. 406, 1910) cf. those made, according to Plutarch, Flamin., 16, Τίτῳ καὶ Ἡρακλεῖ, Τίτῳ καὶ ̓Απόλλωνι. The Italici were, in fact, at this time masters of Delos. Hellenistic Athens, p. 434.
could be made without impropriety in that an image of Roma and another of Pistis or Fides could be dedicated by the Kompetaliastae. These added deities received the homage of the rabble, of those whom Scipio Africanus the Younger had haughtily addressed a generation earlier as the "stepsons of Italy". The worship of Roma was, in fact, an acknowledgment of political inferiority. No free-born Roman citizen would think of having part in it at this time.
The living representatives of Roma, i. e., the Roman optimates, were generally lumped together in the Greek cities as the Euergetae or the Soteres. One of them-the holder, naturally, of an important military or provincial command-might be singled out for particular reasons for special divine honors. Thus a Chalcidian hymn to the deified Flamininus is still extant as follows:32
Πίστιν δὲ Ῥωμαίων σέβομεν
τὰν μεγαλευκτοτάταν ὅρκοις φυλάσσειν.
Ζῆνα μέγαν Ῥώμαν τε Τίτον θ ̓ ἅμα Ῥωμαίων τε Πίστιν·
The deification of Q. Mucius Scaevola, proconsul of Asia in 94 B.C., is attested by Mukieia celebrated long afterwards throughout this province-so active was gratitude, or to speak with the Athenians of 229 B.C., the Charites, to create new gods in this age. Sulla got Sulleia in Athens, Mark Antony Antonieia, and other governors, like Metellus in Pergamum,35 Pompey in many places,36 and the infamous Verres in Sicily,37 were similarly honored. Even Cicero, somewhat to his embarrassment, found himself the recipient of divine rites in Cilicia.38 Hence there is nothing odd in the appearance of Sebasta for Augustus. What is a trifle unusual, especially in view of the splendid isolation of Julius Caesar, who was a god for the Romans as well as their foretime subjects,39 is that "For the development just sketched see Hellenistic Athens, pp. 355 ff., 396 ff. 32 Plutarch, Flamin., 16.
33 Dittenberger, OGIS., 438, 439.
IG., II. 481, 482.
Dittenberger, Syll., 344.
See, for example, above, note 26.
"Contra Verrem, Actio II. 2, 154.
Cicero, Ad Quintum Fratrem, I. 1, 26; Ad Atticum, 5, 21.
The first universal divine king (after Alexander) was of course Julius Caesar. Thus he is defined in CIG., II. 2957 as τὸν ἀπὸ ̓Αρεως καὶ ̓Αφροδείτης, θεὸν ἐπιφανὴ καὶ κοινὸν τοῦ ἀνθρωπίνου βίου σωτήρα; and in IG., XII. 5. 1, 557 as τὸν θεὸν καὶ αὐτοκράτορα καὶ σωτῆρα τῆς οἰκουμένης. Octavian, as Σεβαστός (not as deus), was σωτὴρ τῶν Ελλήνων τε καὶ τῆς οἰκουμένης πάσης (Inschr. von Olympia, 366), οι σωτὴρ τοῦ κοινοῦ Tūν ávůрúπwv jévovs (Inscriptions in the British Museum, IV. 1, no. 894). See
Augustus demanded for Roma first place in all divine honors accorded to himself.40 In reality this was simply the formal expression of his theory of dyarchical government; that in the provinces, whatever might be the case in Italy, the Roman Republic and Augustus Caesar were dual and absolute authorities. To this end the movement towards deification of rulers was guided by the new government so effectively that during the lifetime of Octavian temples or altars of Roma et Augustus appeared not only in the Greek but also in all the western or barbarian provinces." And so far down was the idea of dual subjection brought in this way that the joint cult was inaugurated not only in the centres of provincial government but also in individual towns and villages.42 Indeed, as we have seen, it belonged historically rather to the several citystates than to the territorial complex.
On his death Augustus became divus among Roman citizens. As a Roman magistrate his work was subject to the approval of the Roman Senate.43 It could withhold this at any time and particularly at his decease. The damnatio memoriae was, in fact, the rescinding of all the emperor's acta which rested upon his will alone. Naturally, what was particularly affected thereby was his work in the provincial sphere, where he stood beside and not under the goddess Roma. The approval of such acta was given by deification (see above, p. 33). Significantly enough, and of itself affording clear proof of the constitutional import of Caesar-worship, it was among the Romans alone that Augustus and his successors, on their death and apotheosis, became divi. In Rome and the Roman municipalities the series of those entitled to divine honors begins with Julius divus and ends with the genius of the living princeps. In the provincial cultus, on the other hand, only the Augustus (and Aug
also Kaibel, Epigr., 978, which Wendland (Ewrηp, p. 343) quotes in his further development of this subject. As Augustus (2ɛẞaorós) Tiberius also was a universal deity (see below, note 45, and particularly note 59).
40 Suetonius, Aug., 52: "Templa quamvis sciret etiam proconsulibus decerni solere, in nulla tamen provincia nisi communi suo Romaeque nomine recepit." Egypt was in this respect, as generally, exceptional. See Blumenthal, "Der Aegyptische Kaiserkult ", Archiv für Papyrusforschung, V. 317 ff. (1911).
Hirschfeld, "Zur Geschichte des Römischen Kaisercultes ", Sitzungsberichte der Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin, vol. XXXV., 2, p. 849 (1888), makes an exception of Spain, but see Kornemann, Klio, I. 101, and Heinen, ibid., XI. 158, n. 1 (1911).
4 Heinen, p. 167, n. 4.
43 Eduard Meyer, "Kaiser Augustus ", Kleine Schriften, p. 479.
"See for example the Lex de Imperio Vespasiani and the Leges of Salpensa and Malaca, §§ 25 ff.
usta) of the time being was considered.45 The reason for this is obvious. It was in the case of the Romans alone that a need existed for legalizing arbitrary actions. The provincials had to respond solely to the orders of living emperors: for the actions of the departed Roma, on their deification, acquired complete responsibility.
As is well known, the system of provincial proconsuls and legati was paralleled for fiscal purposes by the system of equestrian procuratores. It should be equally a matter of general knowledge that it was paralleled also by the hierarchy of provincial sacerdotes of Roma et Augustus; for through this agency the Roman Empire was shown by one and the same institution both to be a despotism and to rest, not upon superior force alone, but upon the consent of the governed."6
To worship Roma et Augustus was to confess subjection to Italy. That was not becoming in the case of free-born citizens of Rome. Augustus accordingly opposed the Romans when they sought to put him above the laws by giving him the homage of a god. The citizens, of course, were no longer resident in Rome alone but in all the towns of Italy as well. Inside Italy the Roman remedy for the evils inherent in the particularism of city-states had borne fruit in the municipal system of the Lex Julia. By acquiring citizenship in Rome the citizens of the Italian towns escaped from the dictation of an outside, and hence tyrannical, power: they did not need to recognize the goddess Roma. As citizens of Rome they elected their princeps, or chief citizen, to high office at home and imperial position abroad: they could not worship him as the Hirschfeld, pp. 848 ff. The exclusion of the subordinate and female members of the Julian house was effected gradually and with difficulty. Heinen, pp. 175 ff.; Wilamowitz and Zucker, Sitzungsber. d. Berl. Akad. d. Wiss., XXXVIII. 813 (1911). The provincials tended to proclaim their loyalty to all the members of what was to them the "royal family". The administrative attitude is well disclosed in an edict of Germanicus issued while on his visit to Egypt (Wilamowitz and Zucker, ibid., p. 797) : Γερμανικὸς Καῖσαρ Σεβασ [τ ]οῦ υἱός, Θεοῦ Σεβαστοῦ υἱωνός, ἀνθύπατος λέγει. τὴν μὲν εὔνοιαν ὑμῶν ἢν αἰεὶ ἐπιδείκνυσθε, ὅταν με «είδητε, ἀποδέχομαι. τὰς δὲ ἐπιφθόνου[s] ἐμοὶ καὶ ἰσοθέους ἐκφωνήσεις ὑμῶν ἐξ [ά]παντος παραιτοῦμαι· πρέπουσι γὰρ μόνῳ τῷ σωτῆρι ὄντως καὶ εὐεργέτῃ τοῦ σύνπαντος τῶν ἀνθρώπων γένους, τῷ ἐμῷ πατρὶ, καὶ τῇ μητρὶ αὐτοῦ, ἐμῇ τὲ μάμμῃ. τὰ δὲ ἡμέτερα ἐν ὑποπαρετια(?) ἐστὶν τῆς ἐκείνων θειότητος, ὡς ἐάμ μοι μὴ πεισθῆτε, ἀνανκατέ με μὴ πολλάκις vμeîv évpavíšeobal. See further in this connection Kahrstedt, "Frauen auf Antiken Münzen", Klio, X. 289 ff. (1910).
Thus Tacitus (Ann., XIV. 31) says in regard to the establishing of the institution in Britain: Ad hoc templum divo Claudio constitutum quasi arx aeternae dominationis aspiciebatur, delectique sacerdotes specie religionis omnis fortunas effundebant."
"Suetonius, Aug., 52; Eduard Meyer, Kleine Schriften, pp. 458 ff.
god Augustus without stultifying their own action.48 what they actually did in the matter.
Let us see
It is unnecessary to discuss the entire collection of the materials bearing upon the deification of Augustus which Heinen has made in a recent issue of Klio. We have merely to deal with the instances he adduces to prove that the first emperor was worshipped in Italy during his lifetime. The fact must be conceded. In at least eighteen municipalities priests, shrines, or altars are attested.49 Moreover, it is clear that the Roman citizens resident in the provinces joined, on occasion, the provincials in the worship of Roma et Augustus;50 and it must also be observed that the chief priests chosen in the western provinces for the observance of the imperial cult were regularly in possession of the Roman citizenship.51
These are the facts: they must not be misinterpreted. This is done, I believe, when evidence is found in them for the gradual revelation by Augustus2 of his alleged real intent that Romans should regard him as a magistrate in mere form, as in substance an absolute monarch.
The truth is that the inhabitants of the Roman world could not be divided simply into citizens and non-citizens. There were from of old those whom Mommsen has designated the Halbfreien-the freedmen; with whom may be included those foreigners, i. e., provincials, upon whom the citizenship of Rome had been conferred. The position of the freedmen under the republic had been an ambiguous one; after Augustus it was more closely defined.
It is clear that Augustus did not regard them as his equals. Thus he classified them as ineligible for invitations to his house, prohibited the intermarriage of senators and freedwomen, and required them to take by law the praenomen as well as the nomen of their manumittor-a tell-tale badge of clientage. In the army, when they served at all, it was as policemen and on the fleet, not with the Romans. Moreover, whereas Julius Caesar in his magnificent disregard for old distinctions had admitted freedmen to the offices in 48 Klio, XI. 129 ff. (1911).
49 Cf. Heinen, p. 175. The towns are: Cumae, Puteoli, Pompeii, Naples, Tarracina, Ostia, Praeneste, Casinum, Beneventum, Fanum Fortunae, Asisium, Perusia, Pisae, Forum Clodii, Luna (?), Cremona, Verona, and Pola.
50 Revue des Études Grecques, XIV. 37 ff. (1901); Heinen, p. 167, n. 4. The attitude of Augustus towards the Romans who had taken up their residence in the provinces is disclosed by the fact that they served in the army not with the Italians, but in volunteer cohorts. Eduard Meyer, Kleine Schriften, p. 485.
51 Hirschfeld, p. 851. The list of Spanish priests is given in CIL., II. 750 ff.; the Gallic by Auguste Bernard, Le Temple d'Auguste, pp. 51 ff.
52 Like all the institutions of Augustus the cult of the emperor was organized, not at one stroke, but tentatively and gradually.