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II.

A NEW EDITION OF

THE WITCHERY OF ARCHERY;
A COMPLETE MANUAL OF ARCHERY.
By MAURICE THOMPSON. 1 vol., small 12mo,
cloth, illustrated, $1.50.

This edition contains a new chapter on the rules and usages of English archery.

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III.

RUDDER GRANGE.

HAVE JUST PUBLISHED:

I.

Ruskin on Painting.

With a Biographical Sketch. Forming No. 29 of Appletons'
"New Handy-Volume Series." Paper, 30 cents; cloth, 60

cents.

The volume consists of a biographical sketch of Ruskin, and a series of extracts, under proper heads, from “* Modern Fainters," selected consecutively so as to present the main argument of that work, with the exception of those special discussions which are intelligible only by means of elaborate engravings.

II.

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A Tale. By JULIAN STURGIS, author of "John-a-Dreams.”

Forming No. 30 of Appletons' "New Handy-Volume Se-
ries." Paper, 30 cents; cloth, 60 cents.

Recent Issues in Appletons' "New Handy-
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The Great Italian and French
Composers.

BY FRANK R. STOCKTON, 1 vol., 16mo, extra By GEORGE T. FERRIS. Contents: Palestrina; Piccini cloth, $1 25.

"The idea of a young couple's going to housekeeping in an old canal-boat is droll enough in itself; but it is wonderfully well sustained; and every new chapter of that part and of their labor undertakings has some new and surprising development. Thus far Rudder Grunge is Mr. Stockton's best effort."-Philadelphia Bulletin.

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A book of charming ont-door essays on The Pastoral Bees,
Sharp Eves, Strawberries, Is it going to Rain? Speckled
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The Halcyon in Canada.

Mr. Burroughs is one of the most delightful of American essayists.-Boston Gazette.

Library Notes.

By A. P. RUSSELL. 1 vol., 12mo. $2.

A revised and enlarged edition of an attractive book published several years ago. On a thread of essay it strings gems gathered from a wide reading, grouped under various headings-insufficiency, extremes, disguises, standards, retypes, conduct, religion.

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and Halévy: Boieldieu and Auber; Meyerbeer; Gounod.
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tion.

Edi

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This impo. tant historical work is made more valuable and attractive by a large number of authentic portraits of men eminent in the military and civil service of the country in the days of Washington.

ers in Fairyland. By JOHN THACKRAY BUNCE. Paper The American Bicycler.

cover, price, 25 cents.

with the principal discussion are brief supplementary essaysThe Multitudinous Seas." Moral and Spiritual Elements in the Atonement, Christ not With Illustrations. By S. G. W. BENJAMIN. Paper, price,

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"Deserves minute and attentive examination."-London ERNST MORITZ ARNDT. "Will surprise France and astound the reading world ev- With a Preface by Prof. SEELEY, author of erywhere."-Chicago Times. "Ecce Homo," and a fine portrait. 12mo, cloth, price, $2 25.

ter so largely into the Eastern question, Mr. Sergeant's book By the author of "Gwen." 16mo, cloth, price, appears opportunely."-London Bookseller.

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sense and true knowledge, we leave the comparison unfinished as triv.al and madequate, and say instead that we THE LIBRARY OF ENGLISH LIT- wish we had five thousand dollars in gold to spend in strik

Cassell, Petter & Galpin, ROBERTS BROTHERS,

The Literary World. lightful criticism has never been written in jumps to the conclusion that the English

VOL. X.

BOSTON, MAY 10, 1879.

No. 10.

CONTENTS. REVIEWS. MATTHEW ARNOLD'S MINOR NOTICES: Letters from Florida, A Dictionary of English Plant Names, The New Puritan, Mrs.

MIXED ESSAYS. Arthur
Venner.
JULES SIMON ON THE GOV-
ERNMENT OF M. THIERS.
J. Laurence Laughlin.
MR. GLADSTONE'S GLEAN-
INGS. Geo. M. Towle.
WILD LIFE IN ENGLAND.
WITHIN THE PRECINCTS.
POEMS OF THE MIDDLE,
SOUTHERN, AND WEST-
ERN STATES.

A NEW OFfer.

English than what Mr. Arnold here has to would be, too, if they had the same social say about Milton, and Goethe, and Falk- and political equality. Therefore there must land, and George Sand. But it is the au- be a system of secondary schools, which shall thor's political views which are likely to be cheap and practical without ceasing to be attract most attention. Particular points of high-toned, and in which the upper and his creed may separately be discussed; but middle class shall be fused in thought and it is well to say at the beginning that the feeling. For high-tone, or, in Mr. Arnold's standard by which he measures social and phrase, culture, is the one end of life as repolitical institutions is his own notion of gards this world. We have nothing to do Faith and Reason, Army aesthetics. This is curiously brought out by with the raw material of which we are made, Sacrifices, Rights and Duties of Church Wardens, his views of the varieties of Christian belief but for the shape in which it ultimately is to Letters from Egypt, Camping in Colorado, now obtaining in the world. It is not true. appear, we are responsible:

Oliphant's Essay on Dress,

The Endless Future of
the Human Race, The

Secret of Success, Victo-
ria Britannia, Etc., Etc.

EDITORIALS.

| PARAGRAPHS. MISCELLANEOUS.

Like It, Joseph Crosby; selection, F. J. Furnivall. NOTES AND QUERIES, 161

162.

NEWS AND NOTES.
NEW PUBLICATIONS.

MATTHEW ARNOLD'S MIXED ESSAYS.*
R. ARNOLD belongs to a class of
M
brilliant writers, common in France
but very rare in England, and which, all
things considered, it is to the credit of our
racial character that it does not favor.
Broadly stated, the distinguishing feature of
these writers is that while there is more
sound than sense in their remarks, their
style, their way of putting things, is so very
admirable, their intentions are so good, and
their tone of thought is so flattering to the
cultivated reader, that he allows his eyes to
be blinded to the real truth of a question,
and his good sense so to be lulled to sleep
that he is ready, for the time, to accept ar-
guments quite without this quality. For
Mr. Arnold is in his way a sentimentalist,
and excellent as his ideas generally are, one
never can trust the judgment of a man
whose views are founded less on reasoning

than on a curious mixture of instinctive

he

OF M. THIERS.*

T is a curious and striking fact that

says, that Catholicism has "nothing but "It is common to hear remarks on the frewhat it possesses in common with all forms quent divorce between culture and character, and of Christianity—the curative power of the to infer from this that culture is a mere varnish, and that character only deserves any serions atword, character, and influence of Jesus. Ittention. No error can be more fatal. Culture is, indeed, left with this, which is the root without character is, no doubt, something frivoof the matter, but it is left with a mighty lous, vain, and weak; but character without culture is on the other hand something raw, blind, power besides. It is left with the beauty, and dangerous." the richness, the poetry, the infinite charm ARTHUR Venner. for the imagination, of its own age-long growth." And the Church of England is JULES SIMON ON THE GOVERNMENT like unto it, for the fact (asserted by Joseph de Maistre, and indorsed by Mr. Arnold) I none but Anglo-Saxon that this church is the only non-catholic one which still shows promise and vitality," is achieved permanent success. Nor is the due to the circumstance that "the Church reason far to seek. It lies not merely in the of England, while getting rid of Ultramon- ability to make sacrifices for the common tanism, and of many other things plainly good, but in the natural capacity for repreperceived to be false or irksome, yet kept in sentative and local self-government. The great measure the traditional form of Ca- power to sit still under a political discussion tholicism, and thus preserved its link with has been the safety of many a popular movethe past, its share in the beauty and the ment. The student of institutions, therepoetry, and the charm for the imagination, fore, looks with the keenest interest at this of Catholicism - its inheritance in all that time for testimony, at once authoritative and work of ages, and of nature, and of popular direct, upon the political capacity of the instinct, and of the great impersonal artist French people, both high and low. To M. whom we can only name Catholic Christen- Simon, the Hamilton of the young republic, dom." Now we are far from saying that a cabinet minister from the inception of the this view is untrue, but it certainly is a provisional government at Bordeaux (Feb., strange one to read in a country founded on 1871) to the incoming of MacMahon, and the puritan idea and still saturated with it, not long since himself Prime Minister of all these things being precisely the "abomi- France, one can certainly look for reliable nations" which in the end made necessary information. What political qualities in the despatch of the "Mayflower." critical times have the French displayed? M. Simon says (1, 219):

"The people must always have a victim and an idol. In February (1871) its victim was the They were so angry Government of Defence.

We cannot here follow our author in his feeling and of prejudice. Considered as a demonstration of the value to morality of writer upon serious subjects, the bottom aesthetics, or in his discussion of the infludifficulty with him is not that he willfully ence of sensuous religion. We will only shuts his eyes to the truth, or that he has an remark that the long chapter in which these with the Government that they forgot to hate the

Prussians."

an ex

And the following is a specimen -
ment under the insurgents in Paris (I, 354):
treme one to be sure of local self-govern-

"One member of the Committee, according to a witness hardly to be suspected, has a pleasant trick of pointing his loaded musket at you the whole time he is speaking to you; he replaces it under his arm while you answer him."

illogical mind, but that a certain defect of passages occur is devoted to deriding British vision makes it impossible for him, to use "puritans," thereby meaning the middle class his own favorite expression, "to see things generally, because of their unwillingness to as they really are." Mr. Arnold has another grant to the Catholic Irish sectarian educapeculiarity which is rather French than Eng-tion to be paid for by the State. Puritanism lish, namely, this: that he never doubts the and Philistinism are what our author most worth of one of his own opinions because hates, but Mr. Arnold has a genius for hating; not, of course, in a blind, rude, animal fashion, but gently, sweetly, in the enlightBut to understand, even partially, the eleened manner of a man of culture. Among ments of the political problem in France, other things, he hates the class differences there are worse depths yet to be sounded. obtaining in England, which injure all This is what happened to twenty harmless

nobody else believes in them. The wind of

argument may howl about him, and the hail of derision rattle; he heeds neither, but blandly goes his way.

The title of his last volume is well chosen, for it contains some literary essays, as well as political disquisitions, in the author's original and most peculiar vein.

Co.

classes, but especially that "whose narrowMore de- vated man amongst us perceives and deness and imperfect civilization every culti

Dominicans at the hands of the Commune

in Paris (I, 519):

The Government of M. Thiers, from 8th February,

Mixed Essays. By Matthew Arnold. Macmillan & Plores." He sees that the French are a 1871, to 24th May, 1873. From the French of M. Jules good-mannered people throughout, and Simon.

2 vols. Charles Scribner's Sons.

"Serizier placed the National Guards at some distance, as if on the watch for a shot. A good many women with muskets joined them to take part in the fun. When all was ready, an adjutant entered the prison, and said to the Dominicans, 'Go out, you are at liberty.' He, however, made them go out one by one. Father Captier was the first to appear at the street door. He saw the guns leveled at him. 'O, God, is it possible?' he cried; and fell upon the first step, pierced with several balls. Those who came afterwards began to run in different directions. Stumbling about, encumbered as they were by their long garments, eight of them managed to gain the cross streets, and to escape. The whole quarter had turned out to see the spectacle; the windows

were thronged with men and women who laughed and clapped their hands."

The next is the battue of hostages in the Rue Haxo (I, 523):

"Massacre was not enough: the assassins invented a game. They forced the unhappy men to jump the low wall. The gendarmes jumped; they shot them ‘flying,' and that was amusing"

So much for the lowest classes. Surely it is to be hoped that self-control, unselfishness, and statesmanship should be found, at least, in the representatives of France in their parliament assembled.

power

(II, 328-9):

to (Hear! Hear!). I have the interest of my country, and the accomplishment of the heavy responsibility with which you have charged me, too much at heart to hesitate in declaring plainly, that if the article which you have just voted be not amended, I cannot retain the burthen of power."

"How, gentlemen, you are so excited about this bill (on the taxes) that you will not allow the person whom you have honored with your confidence, and whom you have qualified with the title of Chief of the Executive, even to complete the simple statement of his own ideas, a statement which is in no way binding, but which is an But the complicated situation, brought on effort, a desperate effort, to get out of the diffi- not only by the negotiations for peace with culty in which you, in which we all, are placed the irascible and impatient Bismarck, and (murmurs from some benches). You do not let me finish my sentence. It is impossible to trans- by the restless majority of the Right in the act business in this manner." assembly, but, to crown all, by the outbreak of the Commune in Paris (March 18, 1871), drew most heavily on M. Thiers's political skill and tact. As to the Commune, the inquirer will gain a true insight into its causes only by approaching it from its economic side. The class without property were struggling convulsively to carry into execution their arguments against the institution of private property (cf. the posthumous papers by J. S. Mill, in the Fortnightly). while keeping the meddlesome assembly and the skeptical Germans at their distance, M. Thiers recovered Paris, and showed that the Republic could maintain order. In Bismarck, on the other hand, he found the impatience and anger which the Chancellor knew so well how to assume for diplomatic reasons. M. Simon then proceeds to give of the marvelous loan, and the lib

If such was the political capacity of the people, high and low, where was France to find her deliverance? The answer is, with out doubt, not merely in the combination of circumstances which had made M. Thiers the most popular man in France, but in the fact that he was a statesman of honesty, courage, decision, prudence, undoubted patriotism, unusual eloquence, of great political tact, and large knowledge of his countrymen and himself. In the assembly, which chose Thiers Chief Executive (Feb. 17, 1871), the Right Centre (Constitutional Monarchists), to which Thiers belonged, was stronger even than the Left (Republicans), while the Legitimists (Bourbons) came third, with a weak party of Bonapartists at the bottom. The first serious question was the

But

"500 five-centimetre nails for the Crown Prince.

2 kilos of brown bread for the King of Prussia (for feeding the carp in the fountain).

I coffin for the castle.

After the fall of Sedan and capture of the Emperor, Paris rose, overthrew the Empire (Sept. 4, 1870), and lodged the executive in a Government of Defence, happily composed of able and generally conservative location of the seat of government. To the story Republicans, Jules Favre, Jules Simon, Er- return to Paris meant the immediate estab-eration of the territory before the expected time. nest Picard, Trochu, etc.: a part of the lishment of the Republic; to go to FontaineBesides raising millions from the government remaining in Paris during the bleau was to yield at once to the Right and towns, the Germans during the occupation siege by the Germans, and another part a Monarchy. Thiers skillfully guided the made the most minute requisitions, as for collecting at Bordeaux with Gambetta. assembly to a compromise on Versailles, example from Versailles (II, 156): While the Germans were knocking impa- which has been the seat of government to tiently at the gates of Paris, the crippled and this day; although the Republicans are now insufficient remnant of the French army strongly agitating the return to Paris. The south of the Loire was sustained with a various parties of the Right were agreed in pathetic because impossible - hope of yet hostility to the Republic; but none of them crushing its victorious foes. At that mo- could stand alone. "A Monarchy there ment Paris surrendered (Jan. 28, 1871), and cannot be," said M. Thiers (II, 443), "because negotiations for peace began with Bismarck. there are three claimants, and but one It was evident that the time for resistance throne." In this lay the hope of the Rehad passed. But a responsible government public, and this it was which proved to Thiers, must be created with whom it would be although a Monarchist, that the only govsafe for the Germans to treat. A sense of ernment for France was a Conservative the great common danger, as many times in the history of England, it is to be supposed, would have drawn all parties of the State together, oblivious of minor differences. M. Simon says (I, 5):

"As if to turn the strained situation into an impossible one, a conflict arose between the Government in Paris and the Delegates at Bordeaux."

This danger was overcome only by a clever diplomatic move (Feb. 6) by M. Simon ; an assembly was elected (Feb. 8), and con

vened (Feb. 12) at Bordeaux, chosen by universal suffrage, which, in spite of the opposition of Gambetta and the Republicans of the extreme Left, even admitted Bonapart ists. Here, certainly, will be found the necessary political tact and calm self-control. The information is to be found in Thiers's own words (I, 95):

"There is too much calumny among us! Let us respect each other's opinion."

3 graves in the cemetery.

I chimney sweep doctor to make repairs." But the arrangements for the evacuation of the territory once completed, the Right scarcely waited to dismiss M. Thiers with decency (24th May), and replaced him by Marshal MacMahon.

The book is so written that the attention is kept to the last; but was evidently inRepublic; for, although a minority in the tended to affect contemporary opinion in assembly, the Republicans had the country France for the Republic. The nine chapters with them. But what could an executive do tell of the Elections; the Assembly at Boragainst a hostile majority, who saw plainly deaux; the Preliminaries of Peace; the enough his growing faith in the Republic? Rise and History of the Commune; the It was in such a situation that M. Thiers Legislation; the Liberation of the Territory; showed his deep knowledge of the country, and the 24th May. M. Simon himself gives a the assembly, and himself. He was the fine specimen of bathos (II, 181), and, among most popular man in France; no less than other evidences of self-complacency, tells twenty-six constituencies had chosen him to that in 1863 he delivered "a speech which the assembly, and he had received more lasted through two sittings of the Corps usual political friction, all parties gave him tectionist, gets mixed up in an interesting In spite of the Législatif" (I1, 35). Thiers, an ardent protheir confidence. While the negotiations debate with the free traders (II, 232). with Germany continued, they could not do slight reference to the great exchange operwithout him and he knew it. Therefore, ations involved in paying the indemnity when his measures, like the Trojan horse, should be followed up by Léon Say's “Raphalted on the floor of the assembly, he port sur l'Indemnité de Guerre, 1874." And adopted the following policy, and always there is given an admirable pen-portrait of M. Grévy, the present president (II, 409–10). The translator had little idea of French

than two million votes.

succeeded (II, 34):

"Gentlemen, I must say this cannot be agreed

The

J. LAURENCE LAUGHLIN.

MR. GLADSTONE'S "GLEANINGS."*

MR. GLADSTONE is a sort of modern

Admirable Crichton. He is both learned and skillful in many things. He is the ablest of living English financiers, and is one of those rare political characters who can make figures eloquent. He is a statesman with a wonderful grasp and comprehension of difficult situations, who has placed

with which he goes about whatever he un-
dertakes. He is saturated, always, with his
subject and his cause; wrapped up in them,
aroused by them to the utmost effort of his
abilities. Nor will the most casual reader
fail to remark the warm religious fervor which,
on all occasions, animates him. He is zeal
ously, even eagerly, devout. We feel that
here indeed is a Christian statesman of the
profoundest convictions, and one who looks
at every subject from a lofty moral stand-
point, with an earnestness which is almost
austere.

shrewd and witty an antagonist as Mr. Lowe, Mr. Gladstone comes off easily the best.

There is not space to speak of the essays in detail. The general reader will, perhaps, be most attracted by those of a biographical and literary character. Mr. Gladstone's analysis of the traits and peculiar position of Prince Albert, to whom he accords many high moral and intellectual virtues, his review of Trevelyan's life of Macaulay, in which he differs from Macaulay's estimate of Bacon, with keen insight points out Macaulay's defects as a historian and biographer, and especially protests against his rash allegations against the clergy of two centuries ago, and his papers on Wedgwood and Tennyson, will probably be more widely read than any others. In a historical sense,

Mr. Gladstone's letters to Lord Aberdeen on the atrocious despotism of Naples, in the fourth volume, are the most valuable in the whole collection; for these letters aroused England, and even Europe, to an indignant sense of the enormities of the Bourbon dynasty of Naples, and set in motion the train of events which resulted, some years after, in its ignominious overthrow. These letters were acts, events; they have been quoted again and again ever since; they were a historical transaction, with palpable and

material effects. Exceedingly interesting, too, are the brilliant papers on "Germany, France, and England," written in 1870, in which the war of that year is discussed, and

institutions when he found "township" to be the nearest equivalent for "chef-lieu" (I, 3). Each department of France (like the States of the United States) is divided into arrondissements (as our States into counties), and each arrondissement into communes (as our counties into townships); and in each arrondissement a number of communes are grouped together, although not for administrative purposes, into cantons. There may be a chief town (chef-lieu) of a department, or an arrondissement; for it is not a territorial division. Of bad errors the following are but specimens: Admiral Pothuau appears The writings of such a man, whatever his four times as Pothuan (I, 81, 169), and once topic, must be a valuable possession to the as Pothnau (II, 429); "there would not world; and no one can read the four little have been no hesitation " (I, III); “ Bongival" volumes, neatly and tastefully issued by for Bougival (II, 169); "current" for cur- Scribners, without having received clear enrents (I, 116); "cannons" (I, 343); "they lightenment on the subjects of the various were safe-guarding the rights of liberty" essays contained in them. They include (II, 113-4); “10,000" for 100,000 (II, 148); | essays written by Mr. Gladstone, mainly for and "forsworne" [sic] (II, 304). It is diffi- reviews and periodicals, during the long cult to understand what a "gift of joyous period between 1843 and 1878; and comaccession" is (II, 214). prise a large variety of topics, from dissertations on Blanco White's conversion, and the philosophy of Tennyson's poems, to arguments on the county franchise, and on the interests of England in Egypt. They are philosophical, historical, biographical, critical, and descriptive. Mr. Gladstone says in his preface that he has deemed it wise to exclude all "essays of a controversial kind;" and hence the present collection does not comprise those strong, trenchant, and sometimes passionate and indignant papers which, within the past two or three years, have ap- the career of the third Napoleon is comgreat measures on the English statute-book. peared from his pen on the great current mented upon; on Greece, and its relation to His power of language is marvelous; he is topic of the Eastern Question. He has also the Eastern Question, wherein is evoked all perhaps the easiest and readiest living mas- omitted those learned and interesting "clas- Mr. Gladstone's ardent and enlightened enter of the English tongue. He is a Homeric sical essays" which have often graced the thusiasm for the Hellenic race, which he scholar of profoundest erudition. He has pages of the reviews, and which have be- has so deeply studied, from its rise to the played a more than notable part, alike in trayed the teeming wealth of his classical present day; and his not less admiring tribute statesmanship, eloquence, and scholarship, lore. Despite the former disclaimer, how-to the rough, manly race of the Montenefor more than forty years; and his intellectual vigor is still, at seventy, as nervous, as ever, we find in some of the essays in these grins, in whose future he has a very earnest volumes, matters of a very distinct contro- faith. The most valuable essay of all, perrestless, and as virile as when, in a former versial nature earnestly discussed. In the haps, for affording instruction on matters generation, he entered Parliament as the paper on Egypt, Mr. Gladstone cannot help obscure to the general reader, is that first petted champion of High Church and Tory having, now and then, a contemptuous fling published not long ago in the North AmeriOxford. Accomplishments so varied and yet so full in each direction, learning emat his great rival, Lord Beaconsfield; and can Review, entitled "Kin beyond Sea." Its certainly the question of extending house- value consists not more in the discussion it bracing so wide an area of knowledge and hold suffrage (that now only prevails in includes of the political contrasts between yet so complete in every field, so great a boroughs) to the counties in England, which England and the United States, than in the command of copious and readily summoned Mr. Gladstone argues on the affirmative side explanation it affords of certain little-comexpressions, such luxuriant fertility of illustration, and such plenitude of argument at with most masterly and convincing force, is prehended features of the British Constituone on which English parties are pretty tion. Two points elucidated, of especial once powerful and persuasive, have been sharply divided. In the county franchise importance, and of especial obscurity to betrayed by but few living English writers; if, indeed, Mr. Gladstone does not surpass mark the vast strides toward liberal thought water, are the exact position, in the British essays, let me say in passing, we are able to most people, at least on this side of the all his literary contemporaries, at least in that Mr. Gladstone has made during forty political machinery, of the Cabinet the assemblage of so many intellectual qual- a body ities. years. They contain a very strong and not formally recognized, be it remembered, Above them all, he has another clear argument in favor of universal suf- by the constitution, yet which has become a quality, which impresses his reader on every frage. It is evident that, at last, in spite of vital part of it; and the powers of the sovpage, gives a vitality and power to what his Tory training and early aristocratic pro- ereign, personal to herself, which still exist, he writes, and is his dominant literary as clivities, Mr. Gladstone has come to re- as distinguished from the powers of the well as personal characteristic. This is the pose his entire trust in the wisdom and Crown, which are wielded by "responsible overpowering, intense, absorbing earnestness patriotism of the people. There never was ministers." written a more forcible plea for throwing open the suffrage to all; against even so

*Gleanings of Past Years (1843-78). By the Rt. Hon.

W. E. Gladstone, M. P. 4 vols. Charles Scribner's Sons.

All these subjects are treated with a fluency and force, an earnestness of conviction