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In the practices of the principal bank partially unveiled, in the absence of important witnesses, and in numerous charges, confidently made, and as yet wholly uninvestigated, there was enough to induce a majority of the committee of investigation, a committee which was selected from the most able and honorable members of the house of representatives, to recommend a suspension of further action upon the bill, and a prosecution of the inquiry. As the charter had yet four years to run, and as a renewal now was not necessary to the successful prosecution of its business, it was to have been expected that the bank itself, conscious of its purity and proud of its character, would have withdrawn its application for the present, and demanded the severest scrutiny into all its transactions. In their declining to do so, there seems to be an additional reason why the functionaries of the government should proceed with less haste and more caution in the renewal of their monopoly.

The bank is professedly established as an agent of the executive branches of the government, and its constitutionality is maintained on that ground. Neither upon the propriety of present action nor upon the provisions of

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this act was the executive consulted. It has had no opportunity to say that it neither needs nor wants an agent clothed with such powers, and favored by such exemptions. There is nothing in its legitimate functions which make it necessary or proper. Whatever interest or influence, whether public or private, has given birth to this act, it cannot be found either in the wishes or necessities of the executive department, by which present action is deemed premature, and the powers conferred upon its agent not only unnecessary, but dangerous to the government and country.

It is to be regretted that the rich and powerful too often bend the acts of government to their selfish purposes. Distinctions in society will always exist under every just government. Equality of talents, of education, or of wealth, cannot be produced by human institutions. In the full enjoyment of the gifts of heaven, and the fruits of superior industry, economy and virtue, every man is equally entitled to protection by law. But when the laws undertake to add to these natural and just advantages, artificial distinctions, to grant titles, gratuities and exclusive privileges, to make the rich richer, and the potent more powerful, the humble members of society, the farmers, mechanics, and laborers, who have neither the time nor the means of securing like favors to themselves, have a right to complain of the injustice of their government.

There are no necessary evils in government. Its evils exist

only in its abuses. If it would commotion which threatens to confine itself to equal protection, shake the foundations of our and, as heaven does it rains, show- union. er its favors alike on the high and the low, the rich and the poor; it would be an unqualified blessing. In the act before me, there seems to be a wide and unnecessary departure from these just principles. Nor is our government to be maintained, or our union preserved by invasions of the rights and powers of the several states. In thus attempting to make our general government strong, we make it weak. Its true strength consists in leaving individuals and states, as much as possible, to themselves in making itself felt, not in its power but its beneficence, not in its control but in its protection, not in binding the states more closely to the centre, but leaving each to move unobstructed in its proper orbit.

Experience should teach us wisdom. Most of the difficulties our government now encounters, and most of the dangers which impend over our union, have sprung from an abandonment of the legitimate objects of government by our national legislation, and the adoption of such principles as are embodied in this act. Many of our rich men have not been content with equal protection and equal benefits; but have besought us to make them richer by acts of congress. By attempting to gratify their desires, we have in the results of our legislation, arrayed section against section, interest against interest, and man against man, in a fearful

It is time to pause in our career, to review our principles, and if possible, revive that devoted patriotism and spirit of compromise, which distinguished the sages of the revolution, and the fathers of our union. If we cannot at once, in justice to the interests vested under improvident legislation, make our government what it ought to be, we can at least take a stand against all new grants of monopolies, and exclusive privileges against any prostitution of our government to the advancement of the few, at the expense of the many, and in favor of compromise and gradual reform in our code of laws and systern of political economy.

I have now done my duty to my country. If sustained by my fellow citizens, I shall be grateful and happy; if not, I shall find in the motives which impel me, ample grounds for contentment and peace. In the difficulties which surround us, and the dangers which threaten our institutions, there is cause for neither dismay nor alarm. For relief and deliverance, let us firmly rely on that kind Providence, which I am sure watches with peculiar care over the destinies of our republic, and on the intelligence and wisdom of our countrymen. Through His abundant goodness and their patriotic devotion, our liberty and union will be preserved.

ANDREW JACKSON. Washington, July 10, 1832.

Treaty of Amity, Commerce, and Navigation, between the United States of America and the United Mexican States.

The United States of America, and the United Mexican States desiring to establish upon a firm basis the relations of friendship that so happily subsist between the two Republics, have determined to fix in a clear and positive manner the rules which shall in future be religiously observed between both, by means of a treaty of Amity, Commerce, and Navigation. For which important object, the President of the United States of America has appointed Anthony Butler, a citizen of the United States, and Chargé d'Affaires of the United States of America near the United Mexican States, with full powers; and the Vice-President of the United Mexican States, in the exercise of the Executive power, having conferred like full powers on his Excellency Lucas Alaman, Secretary of State for Home and Foreign Affairs, and his Excellency Raphael Mangino, Secretary of the Treasury; and the aforesaid Plenipotentiaries after having compared and exchanged in due form their several powers as aforesaid, have agreed upon the following articles :

ARTICLE 1. There shall be a firm, inviolable, an universal peace, and a true and sincere friendship between the United States of America and the United Mexican States in all the extent of their possessions and territories, and between their people and citizens respectively,

without distinction of persons or places.

ART. 2. The United States of America, and the United Mexican States, designing to take for the basis of their agreement the most perfect equality and reciprocity, engage mutually not to grant any particular favor to other nations in respect of commerce and navigation, which shall not immediately become common to the other party; who shall enjoy the same freely, if the concession was freely made, or upon the same conditions, if the concession was conditional.

ART. 3. The citizens of the two countries respectively shall have liberty freely and securely to come with their vessels and cargoes to all such places, ports, and rivers of the United States of America and of the United Mexican States, to which other foreigners are permitted to come; to enter into the same, and to remain and reside in any part of the said territories respectively; also, to hire and occupy houses and warehouses for the purposes of their commerce, and to trade therein, in all sorts of produce, manufactures, and merchandise; and, generally, the merchants and traders of each nation shall enjoy the most complete protection and security for their commerce.

And they shall not pay higher or other duties, imposts, or fees whatsoever, than those which the most favored nations are or may

be obliged to pay; and shall enjoy all the rights, privileges, and exemptions, with respect to navigation and commerce, which the citizens of the most favored nation do or may enjoy; but subject always to the laws, usages, and statutes of the two countries respectively.

The liberty to enter and discharge the vessels of both nations of which this article treats, shall not be understood to authorize the coasting trade, which is permitted to national vessels only.

ART. 4. No higher or other duties shall be imposed on the importation into the United Mexican States of any article, the produce, growth, or manufacture of the United States of America, than those which the same or like articles, the produce, growth, or manufacture of any other foreign country do now or may hereafter pay; nor shall articles, the produce, growth, or manufacture of the United Mexican States, be subject on their introduction into the United States of America, to higher or other duties than those which the same or like articles of any other foreign country do now or may hereafter pay.

Higher duties shall not be imposed in the respective States on the exportation of any article to the States of the other contracting Party, than those which are now or may hereafter be paid on the exportation of the like articles to any other foreign country; nor shall any prohibition be established on the exportation or importation of any article, the produce, growth, or manufacture of the ry **

United States of America, or of the United Mexican States respectively in either of them, which shall not in like manner be established with respect to other foreign countries.

ART. 5. No higher or other duties as charges on account of tonnage, light or harbor dues. pilotage, salvage in case of damage or shipwreck, or any other local charges, shall be imposed, in any of the ports of Mexico on vessels of the United States of America, than those payable in the same ports by Mexican vessels; nor in the ports of the United States of America, on Mexican vessels, than shall be payable in the same ports on vessels of the United States of America.

ART. 6. The same duties shall be paid on the importation into the United Mexican States, of any article, the growth, produce, or manufacture of the United States of America, whether such importation shall be in Mexican vessels or in vessels of the United States of America; and the same duties shall be paid on the importation into the United States of America, of any article, the growth, produce, or manufacture of Mexico, whether such importation shall be in vessels of the United States of America, or in Mexican vessels. The same duties shall be paid, and the same bounties and drawbacks allowed, on the exportation to Mexico of any articles, the growth, produce, or manufacture of the United States of America, whether such exportation shall be in Mexican vessels or in vessels of

the United States of America; for any military expedition, nor

and the same duties shall be paid,
and the same bounties and draw-
backs allowed, on the exportation
of any articles, the growth, prod-.
uce, or manufacture of Mexico,
to the United States of America,
whether such exportation shall be
in vessels of the United States of
America or in Mexican vessels.
ART. 7. All merchants,
captains, or commanders of ves-
sels, and other citizens of the
United States of America, shall
have full liberty in the United
Mexican States to direct or man-
age themselves, their own affairs,
or to commit them to the man-
agement of whomsoever they
may think proper, either as bro-
ker, factor, agent, or interpreter ;
nor shall they be obliged to em-
ploy for the aforesaid purposes
any other
than those em-
ployed by Mexicans, nor to pay
them higher salaries or remu-
neration than such as are in like
cases paid by Mexicans and ab-
solute freedom shall be allowed
in all cases to the buyer and sell-
er to bargain and fix the prices
of any goods, wares, or merchan-
dise imported into, or exported
from, the United Mexican States,
as they may think proper; ob-
serving the laws, usages, and cus-
toms of the country. The citi-
zens of Mexico shall enjoy the
same privileges in the States and
Territories of the United States
of America, being subject to the
same conditions.

persons

ART. 8. The citizens of neither of the contracting parties shall be liable to any embargo, nor shall their vessels, cargoes, merchandise, or effects, be detained

for any public or private purpose whatsoever, without a corresponding compensation.

ART. 9. The citizens of both countries, respectively, shall be exempt from compulsory service in the army or navy; nor shall they be subjected to any other charges, or contributions, or taxes, than such as are paid by the citizens of the States in which they reside.

ART. 10.

Whenever the citizens of either of the contracting parties shall be forced to seek refuge or asylum in the rivers, bays, ports, or dominions of the other with their vessels, whether merchant or of war, public or private, through stress of weather, pursuit of pirates or enemies, they shall be received and treated with humanity, with the precautions which may he deemed expedient on the part of the respective Governments in order to avoid fraud, giving to them all favor and protection for repairing their vessels, procuring provisions, and placing themselves in a situation to continue their voyage without obstacle or hindrance of any kind.

ART. 11. All vessels, merchandise, or effects, belonging to the citizens of one of the contracting parties, which may be captured by pirates, whether within the limits of its jurisdiction, or on the high seas, and may be carried into or found in the rivers, bays, ports, or dominions of the other, shall be delivered up to the owners, they proving, in due and proper form, their rights before the competent tribunal; it being well understood that the

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