of specie, together with the confusion incident to the frontier position of the state, and its controversies with its neighbors, rendered it inexpedient, if not impracticable, to raise money for state purposes by direct taxation. But an efficient law was passed for collecting in kind large quantities of beef, pork, flour, and other articles of provisions, for the supply of the troops for the ensuing year, which were to be delivered to the commissary general by the several towns, according to their respective quotas designated in the act. In order to raise money for the payment of troops, and to meet the other expenses of the government, provision was made for an extensive disposition of ungranted lands.

As early as the June session of the assembly in 1779, Ira Allen had been appointed surveyor general, and directed to procure at the expense of the state copies of all charters of lands lying in the state from whatever government they might have been issued, and to make a general plan of the state, showing what lands had been granted and what not. In undertaking to perform this duty he met with much embarrassment. The record book of charters granted by New Hampshire had been taken to England by Gov. John Wentworth, when he fled from the colony at the beginning of the revolution, and many of the original charters had been carried to New York, either for confirmation or in protest against new grants from that colony, and with the city, were in possession of the enemy. From those which could be procured from the towns and other sources, and from the information that could be otherwise obtained, Mr. Allen made a plan of the state, which was presented to the legislature at this session. Notwithstanding the opposition of New York and New Hampshire to the independence of Vermont and the equivocal position of congress, confidence in the firm and permanent foundation of its government, was very general throughout the country, and the office of the secretary of state was flooded with applications for grants of land from persons residing without the state; as well as from those within it. The whole subject was referred to a joint committee of the council and assembly, who made a report (Nov. 4), that from an examination of the multiplicity of the petitions in the secretary's office and the several claims to the same lands which had appeared since their appointment, and of the plan returned by the surveyor general, they found "that it was impracticable at that time to grant the prayer of each petition, partly for want of proper surveys, and partly, as the committee conceived, for want of unappropriated lands in the state whereon to make such grants." The committee, however, recommended the granting

of forty-eight townships, for most of which charters were soon afterwards issued. Each charter included about thirty-six square miles, or twenty-three thousand and forty acres, divided into sixty-five to seventy-five shares, which were granted to that number of individuals designated by name, besides five shares for public purposes, viz : One for a college in the state and one for a county grammar school, these two to be disposed of under the direction of the legislature; one share for the first settled minister; one for the support of a gospel ministry; and one for the support of schools in the town. Each share would therefore cover something over three hundred acres. By these grants a considerable sum was obtained for the use and defense of the state. Ira Allen, in an address to the public in 1786, speaking of the grants, says: "this mode of procuring money made the state many firm and interested friends abroad, amongst which were some of the first characters in the United States." It may be added that among the grantees were many of the officers and soldiers of the Continental army. In making these grants the lands which had been patented by New York after the king's prohibition of 1767, were treated as vacant and unappropriated.1

Congress not having acceded to the offer of Vermont to become a member of the federal union, the administration of the state now prepared to act upon the measure indicated by Gov. Chittenden at the close of his letter to the president of that body, of the 25th of July preceding, viz: that of applying for such union to the governments of the states separately. Circulars, making such offer, and enclosing his letter to the president of congress, were accordingly addressed by him to the governors of New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Connecticut, and New York. To the three first named of them, he presented the proposition of a union with Vermont for the purposes of defence, and in support of it stated that it was probable the enemy in Canada would be reenforced before the conclusion of the next campaign; that owing to the greater advantages of navigation by the lakes which they possessed, they could suddenly bring their whole force into Vermont; that this would no doubt be the object of the next campaign unless measures should be taken to prevent it ; and that in such an event the people of Vermont would either be sacrificed, or be obliged to retire into the interior parts of the United States for safety, or be under the disagreeable necessity of making such terms with the British as might remain in their power. Of

1 Jour. Vt. Assembly, June 3, 1779, Oct. 21, 1779, Oct. 25, and Nov. 4, 1780. Ira Allen in Vermont Gazette, Aug. 7, 14, and 21, 1786.

New Hampshire and Massachusetts it was demanded that, prior to such union, they should abandon their claims of jurisdiction over every part of Vermont. To this demand it does not To this demand it does not appear that New Hampshire made any special reply, but the legislature of Massachusetts resolved to relinquish their claim of sovereignty over the state, provided congress should acknowledge her to be an independent state and admit her into the union. The government of Connecticut was understood to be favorable to the independence of Vermont, but no definite response to Gov. Chittenden's request is found. The proceedings of New York on the application of Gov. Chittenden require a more full consideration.1

1 Letter of Gov. Chittenden to Gov. Clinton of November 22, and to the other governors of December 12, 1780. Journals of Mass. Senate and Assembly, March 8, 1781.

CHAPTER XXIX.

GOVERNOR CLINTON PREVENTS A SETTLEMENT OF THE CONTROVERSY WITH VERMONT BY THREATENING TO PROROGUE THE ASSEMBLY.

1780--1781.

Letter of Gov. Chittenden to Gov. Clinton, demanding the relinquishment by the legislature of New York, of their jurisdiction over Vermont, and proposing a union of the two states for defence against British invasions-Circumstances favorable to the success of the proposal — Gov. Clinton's hostile message transmitting the letter to the assemblyResolutions of the senate looking to the acknowledgment of the independence of Vermont - The resolutions taken up in the House-Message of Gov. Clinton threatening to prorogue the assembly if they persisted in considering the resolutions-The governor's action prevents further proceedings.

TH

HE demand by Gov. Chittenden of the governor and legislature of New York, for the relinquishment of the claim of jurisdic tion of that state over the territory of Vermont, and his offer of a union with that state for mutual defence against the common enemy, was couched in the following direct language.

"State of Vermont,

In council, ARLINGTON, Nov. 22, 1780. "Sir: Inclosed I transmit your excellency a copy of my letter to congress of the 25th of July last, and on a full examination of the controversy between the state of New York and this state, and duly considering the present peculiar circumstances of both states, I am inclined to make a positive demand on the legislature of the state over whom you preside, to give up and fully relinquish their claim. to jurisdiction over this state; and also propose to them to join in a solid union with this state for mutual defence against the British forces which invade the American states, particularly such part as make incursions on the frontiers of the two states from the province of Quebec.

"Such a union for the reciprocal advantage of both governments, I am willing to ratify and confirm on the part of this state.

"Colonel Ira Allen who delivers this, waits your answer to these proposals.

"In behalf of the council and general assembly, I have the honor to be with great esteem your excellency's

Very obedient humble servant,

"His Excellency George Clinton Esq.,

THOMAS CHITTENDEN.

Governor etc., of the state of New York,

To be communicated to the legislature thereof."

It could not have been entirely without some hope of success that this communication was made. Many circumstances favored the application; New York had recently had a full hearing before congress, in which her claim had been presented to that body with great earnestness and ability. All her efforts to procure a decision in her favor had resulted in disappointment, and there was no reasonable prospect that congress could ever be induced to enforce the submission of the Vermonters. The idea of compelling their submission by the power of New York alone, though sometimes suggested in threatening language by Gov. Clinton, and perhaps by others, could never have been seriously entertained. The aristocratic government of New York was weak in the affections of her own people, and many of them who were acquainted with the origin and nature of the controversy, sympathized with the revolters, rather than with their adversaries. A coercive experiment, as has already been seen, had been tried during the colonial period, under more favorable circumstances than the present, and had proved a complete failure. There was much less hope of success now.

During the four years that the New Yorkers had been vainly importuning congress to interfere in their behalf, Vermont had been in the actual exercise of an independent jurisdiction, and her affairs had been conducted in such manner as to inspire general confidence in the strength and permanency of her institutions. Her power to protect, not only her own frontier, but that of New York also, from invasions of the enemy, had been recently shown by the promptness with which she had mustered an imposing force on the northern border, as well as by her diplomatic skill in inducing the enemy to retire without attempting contemplated ravages; while on the other hand the weakness and imbecility of New York had been exhibited in the utter inability of her officers to assemble her militia for frontier protection. "A solid union for mutual defence against the British force," such as was proposed by Gov. Chittenden, must have appeared quite desirable, at least to that large portion of the inhabitants of New York who were exposed to invasions from Canada.