species of gaming requiring judgment, he would have obtained very great riches; but addicted as he was to these unfortunate pursuits, he played fairly and honourably, and did not stoop to trick and villainy; so that his honesty often rendered him inferior to those of skill infinitely less.

From his summer amusements Mr. Fox, in November 1781, came to open the campaign in parliament, a campaign in which he surpassed even himself in vigour and effort; and, making his attack from a variety of points, was ultimately successful. On the 27th of November 1781 this momentous session opened; and his Majesty's speech intimated a resolution to persist in the war. In animadverting on this speech and proposed address, Mr. Fox bore down upon Lord North with very great vehemence. I expected, (he said) and I know it has been expected by many others, to hear on this occasion his Majesty declare from the throne, that he had been deceived and imposed upon by misinformation and misrepresentation; that, in consequence of his delusion, the Parliament had been deluded; but that now the deception was at an end, and requesting of his Parliament to devise the most speedy and efficacious means of putting an end to the public calamities: instead of which, they have heard a speech breathing little else than vengeance, misery, and blood. Those who are ignorant of the personal character of the Sovereign, and who imagine this speech to originate with him, may be led to suppose that he is an unfeeling despot, rejoicing in the horrid sacrifice of the liberty and lives of his subjects, who, when all hope of victory is vanished, still thirsts for revenge. The Ministers who advised this speech I. affirm to be a CURSE to the country over the affairs of which they have too long been suffered to preside. From that unrivalled pre-eminence which we so lately possessed, they have made us the object of ridicule and scorn to the surrounding nations. The noble Lord in the blue ribband has indeed thought fit to ascribe the American war and all its attendant calamities to the speeches of Op position. Oh! wretched and incapab e Minister, whose measures are framed with so little foresight, and executed with so little firmness, that because a rash or intemperate invective is uttered against him in the House of Commons, they shall instantly crumble in pieces, and bring down ruin on the country! Miserable statesman! to allow for no contingencies of fortune, no ebullition of passion, no collision of sentiment! Could he expect the concurrence of every individuál in this house? and was he so weak or wicked as to contrive plans of government of such a texture, that the intervention of circumstances

obvious and unavoidable would occasion their total failure, and hazard the existence of the empire? Ministers, must, expect to hear of the calamities in which they have involved the empire again and again, not only in this house, but, as I trust, at the tribunal of justice; for the time will surely come, when an oppressed and irritated, people will firmly call for SIGNAL PUNISHMENT on those whose counsels have brought the nation so near to the brink of destruction. An indignant nation will surely, in the end, compel them to make some atonement for the magnitude of their offences on a PUBLIC SCAFFOLD, Не содcluded with moving, That of the address proposed the whole be omitted excepting the first paragraph, and the following words inserted: And we will without delay apply ourselves with united hearts to propose and digest such counsels as may in this crisis excite the efforts, point the arms, and, by a total change of system, command the confidence of all his Majesty's subjects."

[ & C The various events of the war next came under discussion, and the short time that intervened from the meeting of Parliament to the Christmas holidays produced several very strong motions, which, though carried in favour of Ministry, were thrown out by so small majorities as to create great alarm, Many as were the enemies that Britain had now to cope with, during the greater part of that year, no very singular, at least, no very decisive advantages, had been ob tained by either party in Europe, nor in the West Indies, except by the British in the capture of St. Eustatius. In America the British were victorious by sea; by land several inroads were made into the provinces, and affairs for some time wore rather a favourable aspect, Towards the close of the campaign they experienced a fatal reverse in the capture of the brave Cornwallis, with the whole of the southern army. This event contributed, more than any that had yet happened, to produce an irresistible conviction in the minds of the British that the subjugation of America was impracticable. As mankind, in general, judge more from events than from plans, the discomfiture of our forces produced great clamours against the Ministry, even from those who had before been most strenuous in recommending the coercion of America, and most sanguine in their expectation of

success.

At the meeting of parliament after the recess, the attacks upon Ministry were recommenced with great force, Mr. Fox moyed for a Committee to inquire into our naval miscarriages, The Commites was agreed to, and fixed for the 7th of February, 1782. Mr. For October.]

then entered into a very minute and able history of our naval transactions. His motion was negatived by an inconsiderable majority. The next attack was the American war in general, which was rejefted by a majority of one. The motion was again proposed, and carried by Mr. Fox and his friends. That was to have been followed up by another motion, for the dismission of Ministry, which was at first rejected, but soon after resumed under another form. Before its discussion, Lord North declared that he was no longer Minister; and a new Administration was in a few days formed, at the head of which was nominally the Marquis of Rockingham, but really Mr. Fox. Mr. Burke had that department allotted him which was most connected with carrying his plans of reform and expenditure into execution he was appointed Paymaster-General.

Y

We have hitherto seen Mr. Fox as an orator rather than a statesman, as the censor of others, not as consul himself. In his opposition to Lord North he displayed such animation and force of eloquence, such an extent and variety of political knowledge, as raised his character to a very great height. We do not hesitate to assert, that in 1782, when he became Secretary of State for the foreign department, Mr. Charles Fox's FAME was at its zenith. We do not here presume to obtrude our own judgment concerning the conduct and merits of Mr. Fox, we merely mention a fact concerning his history. His political reputation during the administration of Lord North had been progressive; since that time, it has been in a great degree stationary.

One of the first measures proposed by Mr. Fox, as Minister, was by many deemed precipitate; that was, the offer of peace to Holland, before he had ascertained that she was so disposed to conciliation as to make it probable his overtures would be accepted. In fact, they were received with great coldness, and produced no effect. The measures for which he and his friends were understood to have stipulated with the Court were these: first, peace with the Americatis, and the acknowledgement of their independence not to be à bar to the attainment of that object; secondly, a substantial reform in the several branches of the civil list expenditure, on the plan proposed by Mr. Burke; and, thirdly, the diminution of the influence of the Crown, under which article the bills for excluding contractors from seats in parliament, and disqualifying the revenue officers from voting in the election of members, were included. Mr. Fox brought a message from the King, recommending the adoption of a plan for Voz..

བྱབ་Yཀ་

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the retrenchment of expences. The object of this was to pave the way for the revival of Burke's Reform Bill. Several popular propositions were made by the new Ministry or their adherents, and adopted. The resolution of 1762, respecting the Middlesex election, and against which Burke had displayed such eloquence, was expunged from the journals of the house. Mr. Fox, in consistence with his former vote, opposed this measure.

The reader is to observe, that Mr. Fox, both in coming into Ministry, and in the measures which he proposed, is to be considered as a member of the Rockingham party, as having embraced the principles on which that party acted, and as the supporter of that connection in which the Whig aristocracy had from the time of Queen Anne proposed and wished Administration to be vested. Whatever, therefore, were Mr. Fox's individual merits he became Minister through the Rockingham party; not as an able man, resting on his own merits, but as an able man, backed by a powerful combination. He continued in office no longer than the views of that confederacy were adopted.

The affairs of Ireland had for several years occupied the attention of the British legislature and government. Mr. Burke, as usual on subjects of great legislative regulation, had taken the lead in his own party in all the questions on this subject. Mr. Fox, however, now officially brought a message from his Majesty to the following effect: That being concerned to find discontents and jealousies prevailing amongst his loyal subjects in Ireland, on matters of great weight and importance, he earnestly recommended to the house to take the same into their most serious consideration, in order to make such a final adjustment as might give mutual satisfaction to both kingdoms. A message to the same effect was delivered to the Lords. Administration proceeded in this arduous business in concert with the Parliament of Ireland; and such measures were adopted as satisfied Ireland, by rendering its Parliament independent of that of Great Britain.

Mr. Burke's bill for reforming expenditure was again resumed, and, after various modifications, passed. Several other popular motions passed into laws.

The only party-measure with which this Administration was chargeable, was the appointment of Admiral Pigot to supersede Rodney, who had, on the famous 12th of April, gained a most celebrated naval Victory.

Hitherto there was little to attach either merit or demerit to Mr. Fox's new character as a statesman. His offer to the Dutch had been premature and unsuccessful; but he had reasoned more from a just notion of their interests than from an accurate knowledge of their sentiments. Had they been guided by wisdom, they would have embraced an offer of terminating a contest attended with such loss to a commercial nation; so that though in fact they were not ripe for his proposals, if they had been prudent they would have been ripe. No blame, therefore, can be attached to the failure of his proposition, unless that it was too hasty, and without a due consideration of the prejudices and prepossessions of the Anti-Orange faction. Of the Irish and expenditure regulations he was the supporter, and not the

author.

July 1, 1782, an event took place which ascertained the ideas which Mr. Fox had conceived concerning the connection and influence which ought to determine the appointment of a Minister. On that day Charles Marquis of Rockingham, considered since the death of the Duke of Newcastle as the head of the Whig combination, departed this life.

For many years Opposition were composed of two parties; the one consisting chiefly of men who formed what was frequently called the Whig connection, and who rested their consequence more on belonging to that combination, than upon individual genius, although not a few of them were distinguished for ability, and though one man of transcendant genius had uniformly ranged himself by their standard, and another had come over to it from the opposite side. The other party in Opposition was headed by a personage whose importance rested on his own genius, and not upon the support of any association. On the death of that extraordinary man, Lords Camden and Shelburne were esteemed the heads of his adherents; but especially the latter, as he took a more active share in politics. Mr. William Pitt, on coming into Parliament, imitated the example of his father, in not listing under the banners of a combination, but trusting to his own talents and efforts: He had opposed the American war without entering into the particular views of the Rockingham party; and though he continued to support them while they were in office, accepted no appointment in that Administration; but he maintained an amicable intercourse with his father's friend, the Earl of Shelburne, one of its members.

On the death of the Marquis of Rockingham his Majesty was pleased to appoint the Earl of Shelburne First Lord of the Treasury.