Culberson, DeBolt, Dibrell, Douglas, Ellis,' A. Bagley,y. H Bagley,jr.^N. H. Baker, Banks, B. Roberts, S. Ross, Savage, M Sayler, Schleicher, y. G. Schumaker, Slemons, Southard, Sparks, Springer, ' Stenger, Stowell, Swann, Tarbox, C. P. Thompson, P. F. Thomas, M. I. Townsend, Turney, Waldron, G. C. Walker, Walling, Walls, Walsh, Warren, E. Wells, G. W. Wells, Wheeler, Whitekouse, Whiting, Whitthorne, Wigginton, Wike, y. Williams, Wilshire, B. Wilson, F. Wood—117. March 13—Mr. Cox moved that the rules be suspended so as to enable him to submit, and the House to agree to, the following resolutions: Resolved, That the people of the United States constitute a nation in the sense, to the extent, and for the purposes defined in the Federal Constitution. Resolved, That the Government of the United States is a Federal Union, and was formed by the people of the several States in their sovereign capacity; That the rights and powers of the United States Government are defined and limited by the Federal Constitution, and these rights and powers cannot be enlarged nor diminished except by an amendment to the Constitution. Resolved, That the rights of the States have the same sanction and security in the Constitution as the rights and powers of the Federal Government, and that local domestic government by the several States within the limits of the Constitution is absolutely necessary for the preservation of the liberties of the citizen and the continuance of our republican system of government. Resolved, That the doctrine that a State has a right to secede from the Union is in conflict with the idea of a "perpetual union," as contemplated by the Constitution, and should be regarded as being forever extinguished by the results of the recent civil conflict. Which was agreed to—Yeas 151, nays 42, not voting 96, as follow: Yeas—Messrs. Ainsworth, Anderson, Ashe, Atkins, y. H Bagley.jr., Banning, Bass, Beebe, Blackburn, Bland Blount, Boone, Bright, y. Y. Brown, Buckner, Cabell, J. H Caldwell, W. P. Caldwell, Campbell, Cannon, Cason, Gate, Caulfield, y. B. Clarke, y, B. Clark, jr., Clymer, Cochrane, Cook, Cowan, Cox, Cutler, Davy, Z>. Bolt, Dibrdl, Douglas, Durand, Eden, EUL, Faulkner, Felton, Forney, Fort, Franklin, FuU ler, Glover, Goode, Goodin, A. H Hamilton, R. Hamilton, Hancock, Hardenbergh, B. W. Harris, H. R. Harris, Hartridge, Hartzell, Hendee, Henkle, G. W. Hezuitt, Hill, Holman, Hooker, Hopkins, House, Hunton, Htird, yenks, T. L. yones, Kehr, Kelley, Knott, F. Landers, G. M. Landers, Leavenworth, Levy, B. B. Lewis, Lord, Luttrell, Lynde, L. A. Mackey, Maish, J. W. McDill, McFarland, Meade, Milliken, Morgan, Morrison, JVeal, Hew, O'Brien, Odell, E. Y. Parsons, Payne, y. Phelps, y. F Philips, W. A. Phillips, Pierce, Piper, Poppleton, A. PotTer, Randall, D. Rea, Reagan, J. Reilly, J. B. Reilly, A. V. Rice, Riddle, J. Robbins, W. M, Robbins, C. B. Roberts, M. Ross, Sampson, Savage, M. Sayler, Scales, Schleicher, Sheakley, Singleton, W. E. Smith, Southard, Sparks, Strait, Stenger, Stevenson, Stone, 7eese, Terry, C. P. Thompson, Throckmorton, W. Townsend, Tucker, Tufts, Turney, y. L. Vance, R. B. Vance, Waddell, C. d. B. Walker, Walling, Walsh, Ward, Warren, Wike, G. Willard,^. S. Williams, y. D. Williams, y N. Williams, W. B. Williams, Willis, J. Wilson, Woodburn, Yeates, C. Young—151. Nays—Messrs. J. H. Baker, Blaine, Bradley, H. C. Burchard, Conger, Denison, Dunnell, Eames, Evans, Farwell, Foster, G. F. Hoar, Hubbell, Hyman, Lapham, W. Lawrence, Lynch, Magoon, MacDougall, McCrary, Monroe, Nash, Norton, Oliver, Packer, Page, Plaisted, T. C. Piatt, Purman, M. S. Robinson, Rusk, Seelye, Sinnickson, R. Smalls, Thornburgh, Van Vorhes, A. S. Wallace.. J. W. Wallace J. D. White, A.Williams, A. Wood, jr., Woodworth—42. Not Voting—Messrs. C. H. Adams, Bagby, G. A. Bagley, W. H. Baker, Ballou, Banks, Barnum, S. N. Bell, Blair, Bliss, Bradford, W. R. Brown, S. D. Burchard, Burleigh, Candler, Caswell, Chapin, Chittenden, Collins, Crapo, Crounse, Culberson, Danford, Darrall, yosepk y. Davis, Dobbins, Durham, Egbert, Ely, C. Freeman, Frost, Frye, Garfield, Gause, Gibson, Gunter, E. Hale, Haralson, y T. Harris, C. H. Harrison, Hatcher, Hathorn, Haymond, Hays, Henderson, Hereford, A. S. Hewitt, Hoge, Hoskins, Hunter, Hurlbut, F. yones, Joyce, Ka?son, Ketchum, Kimball, King, Lamar, Lam, E. W. M. Mackey, McMahon, Metcalfe, Miller, Mills, Money, Morey, Mutchler, O'Neill, Powell, Pratt, Rainey, S. Ross, y. G. Schtwiaker, Slemons, A. H. Smith, Springer, Stowell, Swann, Tarbox, P. F. Thomas, M. I. Townsend, Waldron, G. C. Walker, Walls, E. Wells, G. W. Wells, Wheeler, Whitekouse, Whiting, Whitthorne, Wigginton, C. G. Williams, y. Williams, Wilshire, B. Wilson, F. Wood—96. Tariff Legislation. 1876, May 29—Mr. Charles H. Adams offered the following resolution, and demanded the previous question; which was seconded, and the main question ordered: Whereas the fact is apparent that all branches of manufacturing, mechanical and mining pursuits are at this time greatly depressed, and that all legislation which tends to embarrassment by the unsettling of values or the rendering of manufacturing, mechanical, or mining operations uncertain is unwise and injudicious: Therefore Resolved, That in the judgment of this House legislation affecting the tariff is at this time inexpedient. Mr. Morrison moved to reconsider the vote ordering the main question; which was agreed to—yeas 120, nays 94 (not voting 75), as follow: Yeas—Messrs. Ainsworth, Anderson, Ashe, Atkins, Bagby, J. H Bagley, jr., Banning, Bcand, Blount, Boone, Bradford, Bright, J. Y. Brown, Buckner, H. C. Burchard, S. D. Bur chard, Cabell, J. H. Caldwell, W. P. Caldwell, Campbell, Candler, Cannon, Cate, Chapin, Chittenden, J. B. Clarke, J. B. Clark, jr., Cook, Cowan, Culberson, De Bolt, Dibrell, Douglas, Dunnell, Durham, Eden, Ellis, Faulkner, Felton, Finley, Forney, Fort, F?'anklin, Fuller, Gause, Glover, Goode, Goodin, Gunter, A. H. Hamilton, Hancock, J. T. Harris, C. H. Harrison, Hartridge, Hartzell, Hatcher, Haymond, Henkle, Hereford^ G. W. Hewitt, Holman, Hooker, House, Hunton, Hurd, F. Jones, T. L. Jones, Knott, Le Moyne, B. B. Lewis, Lord, Lynde, Mc Far land, Metcalfe, Milliken, Mills, Money, Morey, Morgan, Morrison, Neal, 01 Brie?i, E. Y. Parsons, Payne, J. F. Philips, Piper, Poppleton, D. Pea, Reagan, A. V. Rice, Riddle, Savage, M. Sayler, Scales, Schleicher, J. G. Schumaker, Seelye, Singleton, W. E. Smith, Sparks, Springer, Tarbox, Terry, P. F. Thomas, Throckmorton, R. B. Vance, G. C. Walker, Walling, Warren, E. Wells, Whiting, Whitthorne, Wigginton, J. Williams, J. D. Williams, J. N. Williams, Willis, F. Wood, Yeates, C. Young—120. Nays—Messrs. C. H. Adams, G. A. Bagley, J. H. Baker, W. H. Baker, Ballou, Banks, Bass, 'Blaine, Blair, Bradley, W. R. Brown, Caswell, Clymer, Crapo, Crounse, Cutler, Danford, Davy, Denison, Dobbins, Eames, Egbert, Frost, Frye, Garfield, Flaralson, Hardenbergh, B. W. Harris, Hathorn, Hendee, Henderson, Hoge, Hopkins, Hoskins, Hubbell, Hunter, Hurlbut, Hyman, Jenks, Kasson, Kelley, Ketchum, Kimball, W. Lawrence, Leavenworth, Lynch, E. W. M. Mackey, Magoon, MacDougall, McCrary, Miller, Monroe, Mutchler, Nash, Norton, Oliver, O'Neill, Packer, Page, W. A. Phillips, Pierce, Plaisted, T. C. Piatt, A. Potter, Powell, Randall, J. Reilly, J. Robbins, Sampson, Sheakley, Sinnickson, Slemons, R. Smalls, Stenger, Stone, Stowell, Teese, C. P. Thompson, Thornburgh, M. I. Townsend, W. Townsend, Tufts, Turney, Van Vorhes, Wait, A. S. Wallace, J. W. Wallace, G. W. Wells, White, G. Willard, A. Williams, C. G. Williams, J. Wilson, Woodworth—94, Debate arising upon it, the resolution went over. June 5—It was referred to the Committee on Ways and Means—-yeas 116, nays 99. "Retrenchment and Reform." 1876, June 26—Mr. William P. Caldwell, offered the following resolution: Resolved, That in the opinion of this House retrenchment and reform are now matters of imperative necessity. It is not the mere cry of demagogues, but a problem demanding the attention and worthy the highest ability of the Representatives of the people. No party is fit to govern this country that cannot solve it. It is vain to look to executive officers for reform; their power and influence depend upon executive patronage, and while we grant they will squander. The Senate is neither by the theory of our system nor by its composition fitted for the task. This House alone has the constitutional power to perfect a radical reform. The Constitution provides that no money shall be drawn from the Treasury but in consequence of appropriations made by law, and that all bills for raising revenue shall originate in the House of Representatives. These provisions were designed to invest in this House the entire control over the public purse, the power of supply. This is invested in the House of Commons, and has been zealously guarded by it; it is a pearl beyond price, without which constitutional liberty in England would long since have fallen under the despotism of the Crown. On suspending the rules and passing the resolution, the yeas were 94, nays 35, as follow: Yeas—Messrs. Ainsworth, Anderson, Ashe, Atkins, Blackburn, Bland, Blount, Buckner, S. D. Burchard, Cabell, W. P. Caldwell, Candler, Caulfield, J. B. Clarke, J. B. Clark, jr., Cook, Cozvan, Culberson, Cutler, Joseph J. Davis, De Bolt, Dibrell, Durham, Ellis, Faulkner, Felton, Finley, Forney, Franklin, Fuller, Gibson, Goodin, A. Hs Hamilton, R. Hamilton, Hardenbergh, H. R. Harris, J. T. Harris, Hartridge, Hartzell, Hatcher, Haymond, G% W. Hewitt, Holman, Hopkins, House, Jenks, T. L. Jones, Knott, F. Landers, B. B. Lewis, Lord, Maish, McFarland, McMahon, Metcalfe, Milliken, Mills, Morgan, Neal, New, Odell, Payne, J. Phelps, J. F. Philips, Powell, Randall, D. Rea, Reagan, J.B. Reilly, A. V. Rice, Riddle, J. Robbins, W. M. Robbins, C, B. Roberts, Savage, Scales, Sheakley, W. E. Smith, Southard, Sparks, Spencer, Springer, Stevenson, Tarbox, Terry, P. F. Thomas, Turney, R, B. Vance, Walsh} Wigginton. Wike, A. S. Williams, J. N. Williams, Yeates—94. Nays—Messrs. J. H. Baker, W. H. Baker, Banks, Bradley, Denison, Dobbins, Dunnell, Evans, Hendee, Hunter, Hyman, Kimball, Leavenworth, J. W. McDill, Page, Pierce, Piper, A. Potter, Rainey, M. S. Robinson, Sampson, Seelye, Sinnickson, R.Smalls, Strait, C. P. Thompson, Tufts, Waldron, A. S. Wallace, J. D. White, G. Willard, W. B. Williams, J. Wilson, Woodburn, Woodworth—35. No quorum voting, the House adjourned. XV. PRESIDENT GRANT'S SPECIAL MESSAGES, AND LETTERS. Approving the Bill for the Resumption of Specie Payments, January 14, 1875. To the^ Senate of the United States: Senate bill No. 1044, "to provide for the r< sumption of specie payments," is before me, and this day receives my signature of approval. i venture upon this unusual method of conveying the notice of approval to the "house in which the measure originated," because of its great importance to the country at large, and in order to suggest further legislation which seems to me essential to make this law effective. It is a subject of congratulation that a measure has become law which fixes a date when specie resumption shall commence, and implies an obligation on the part of Congress—if in its power— to give such legislation as may prove necessary to redeem this promise. To this end I respectfully call your attention to a few suggestions: First. The necessity of an increased revenue to carry out the obligation of adding to the sinkingfund annually one per cent, of the public debt, amounting now to about thirty-four millions of dollars per annum, and to carry out the promises of this measure to redeem, under certain contingencies, eighty millions of the present legal tenders, and, without contingency, the fractional currency now in circulation. How to increase the surplus revenue is for Congress to devise, but I will venture to suggest the duty on tea and coffee might be restored without permanently enhancing the cost to the consumers, and that the ten per cent, horizontal reduction of the tariff on articles specified in the law of June 6, 1872, be repealed. The supply of tea and coffee already on hand in the United States would in all probability be advanced in adopting this measure. But it is known that the adoption of free entry to those articles of necessity did not cheapen them, but merely added to the profits of the countries producing them, or of the middle-men in those countries, who have the exclusive trade in them. Second. The first section of the bill now under consideration provides that the fractional currency shall be redeemed in silver coin as rapidly as practicable. There is no provision preventing the fluctuation in the value of the paper currency. With gold at a premium of anything over 10 per cent, above the currency in use, it is probable, almost certain, that silver would be bought up for exportation as fast as it was put out, or until change would become so scarce as to make the premium on it equal to the premium on gold, or sufficiently high to make it no longer profitable to buy for export, thereby causing a direct loss to the community at large and great embarrassment to trade. As the present law commands final resumption on the first day of January, 1879, an(^ as the gold receipts by the Treasury are larger than the gold payments and the currency receipts are smaller than the currency payments, thereby making monthly sales of gold necessary to meet currency expenses, it occurs to me that these difficulties might be remedied by authorizing the Secretary of the Treasury to redeem legal-tender notes whenever presented in sums not less than one hundred dollars and multiples thereof, at a premium for gold of ten per cent., less interest at the rate of two and one-half per cent, per annum from the 1st day of January, 1875, to tne date °f putting this law into operation, and diminishing this premium at the same rate until final resumption, changing the rate of premium demanded from time to time as the interest amounts to one-quarter of one per cent. I suggest this rate of interest because it would bring currency at par with gold at the date fixed by lawT for final resumption. I suggest ten per cent, as the demand premium at the beginning, because I believe this rate would insure the retention of silver in the country for change. The provisions of the third section of the act will prevent combinations being made to exhaust the Treasury of coin. With such a law it is presumable that no gold would be called for not required for legitimate business purposes. When large amounts of coin should be drawn from the Treasury, corresponding large amounts of currency would be withdrawn from circulation, thus causing a sufficient stringency in currency to stop the outward flow of coin. The advantages of a currency of a fixed known value would also be reached. In my opinion, by the enactment of such a law, business and industries would revive, and the beginning of prosperity on a firm basis would be reached. Other means of increasing revenue than those suggested should probably be devised, and also other legislation. In fact, to carry out the first section of the act, another mint becomes necessary. With the present facilities for coinage, it would take a period probably beyond that fixed by law for final specie resumption to coin the silver necessary to transact the business of the country. There are now smelting-furnaces for extracting the silver and gold from the ores brought from the mountain Territories, in Chicago, Saint Louis, and Omaha—three in the former city—and as much of the change required will be wanted in the Mississippi Valley States, and as the metals to be coined come from west of those States, and, as I understand, the charges for transportation of bullion from either of the cities named to the Mint in Philadelphia, or to New York City, amount to four dollars for each one thousand dollars' worth, with an equal expense for transportation back, it would seem a fair argument in favor of adopting one or more of those cities as the place or places for the establishment of new coining facilities. I have ventured upon this subject with great diffidence, because it is so unusual to approve a measure—as I most heartily do this, even if no further legislation is attainable at this time—and to announce the fact by message. But I do so because I feel that it is a subject of such vital importance to the whole country that it should receive the attention of, and be discussed by, Congress and the people through the press, and in every way, to the end that the best and most satisfactory course may be reached of executing what I deem most beneficial legislation on a most vital question to the interests and prosperity of the nation. U. S. Grant. Executive Mansion, January 14, 1875. Centennial Celebration, January 20,187 5# To the House of Representatives: I have the honor to transmit herewith a report from a board composed of one person named by the head of each executive department and of the Department of Agriculture and Smithsonian Institution, for the purpose of securing a complete and harmonious arrangement of the articles and materials designed to be exhibited from the Executive Departments of the Government at the international exhibition to be held in the city of Philadelphia in the year 1876 for the purpose of celebrating the one hundredth anniversary of the Independence of the United States. The report gives a statement of what is proposed to be exhibited by each Department, together with an estimate of the expense which will have to be incurred. Submitting to Congress the estimate made by the board, I recommend that Congress make a suitable appropriation to enable the different Departments to make a complete and creditable showing of the articles and materials designed to be exhibited by the Government, and which will undoubtedly form one of the most interesting features of the exhibition. U. S. Grant. Executive Mansion, January 20, 1875, Armament for Sea-Coast Defenses, January 20, 1875. To the Senate and House of Representatives: In my annual message of December I, 1873, while inviting general attention to all th® recommendations made by the Secretary of War, your special consideration was invited to "the importance of preparing for war in time of peace by providing proper armament for our sea-coast defenses. Proper armanent is of vastly more importance than fortifications. The latter can be supplied very speedily for temporary purposes when needed; the former cannot." These views gain increased strength and pertinence as the years roll by, and I have now again the honor to call special attention to the condition of the "armament of our fortifications," and the absolute necessity for immediate provision by Congress for the procurement of heavy cannon. The large expenditures required to supply the number of guns for our forts is the strongest argument that can be adduced for a liberal annual appropriation for their gradual accumulation. In time of war such preparations cannot be made; cannon cannot be purchased in open market, nor manufactured at short notice; they must be the product of years of experience and labor. I herewith inclose copies of a report of the Chief of Ordnance and of a board of ordnar-ce officers on the trial of an eight-inch rifle converted from a ten-inch smooth-bore, which shows very conclusively an economical means of utilizing these useless smooth-bores and making them into eight-inch rifles capable of piercing seven inches of iron. The twelve hundred and ninetyfour ten-inch Rodman guns should, in my opinion, be so utilized, and the appropriation requested by the Chief of Qrdnanqe of $250,000 to commence these conversions is urgently recommended. While convinced of the economy and necessity of these conversions, the determination of the best and most economical method of providing guns of still larger caliber should no longer be delayed. The experience of other nations, based on the new conditions of defense brought prominently forward by the introduction of iron-clads into every navy afloat, demands heavier metal and rifle-guns of not less than twelve inches in caliber. These enormous masses, hurling a shot of seven hundred pounds, can alone meet many of the requirements of the national defenses. They must be provided, and experiments on a large scale can alone give the data necessary for the determination of the question. A suitable proving-ground, with all the facilities and conveniences referred to by the Chief of Ordnance, with a liberal annual appropriation, is an undoubted necessity. The guns now ready for trial cannot be experimented with without funds, and the estimate of $250,000 for the purpose is deemed reasonable and is strongly recommended. The constant appeals for legislation on the "armament of fortifications" ought no longer to be disregarded, if Congress desires in peace to prepare the important material without which future wars must inevitably lead to disaster. This subject is submitted with the hope that the consideration it deserves may be given it at the present session. U. S. Grant. Executive Mansion, January 20, 1875. Message Vetoing the Act to Reduce the Salary of the Executive, April 18, 1876» To the Senate of the United States: Herewith I return Senate bill No. 172, entitled "An act fixing the salary of the President of 1he United States," without my approval. I am constrained to this course from a sense of duty to my successors in office, to myself, ?nd to what is due to the dignity of the position of Chief Magistrate of a nation of more than forty millions of people. When the salary of the President of the United States pursuant to the Constitution was fixed at $25,000 per annum, we were a nation of but three millions of people, poor from a long and exhaustive war, without commerce or manufactures, with but few wants and those cheaply supplied. The salary must then have been deemed small for the responsibilities and dignity of the position, but justifiably so from the impoverished condition of the Treasury and the simplicity it was desired to cultivate in the republic. The salary of Congressmen under the Constitution was first fixed at $6 per day for the time actually in session—an average of about one hundred and twenty days to each session—or $720 per year, or less than one-thirtieth of, the salary of the President. Congress have legislated upon their own salaries from time to time since, until finally it reached $5,000 per annum, or one-fifth that of the President before the salary of the latter was increased. No one having a knowledge of the cost of living at the national capital will contend that the present salary of Congressmen is too high, unless it is the intention to make the office one entirely of honor, when the salary should be abolished—a proposition repugnant to our republican ideas and institutions. I do not believe the citizens of this republic desire their public servants to serve them without a fair compensation for their services. Twentyfive thousand dollars does not defray the expenses of the Executive for one year, or has not in my experience. It is not now one-fifth in value of what it was at the time of the adoption of the Constitution in supplying demands and wants. Having no personal interest in this matter, I have felt myself free to return this bill to the House in which it originated with my objections, believing that in doing so I meet the wishes and judgment of the great majority of those who indirectly pay all the salaries and other expenses of Government. U. S. Grant. Executive Mansion, April 18, 1876. President Grant's Message Respecting His Absence from the Seat of (xoyernment, May 4, 1876. April 3—The House, on motion of Mr. BlackBurn, passed this resolution: Resolved, That the President of the United States be requested to inform this House, if, in his opinion, it is not incompatible with the public interest, whether since the 4th day of March, 1869, any executive offices, acts, or duties, and, if any, what, have been performed at a distance from the seat of Government established by law, and for how long a period at any one time, and in what part of the United States; also, whether any public necessity existed for such performance, and, if so, of what character, and how far the performance of such executive offices, acts, or duties at such distance from the seat of Government established by law, was in compliance with the act of Congress of the 16th day of July, 1790. May 4—The President made this reply: To the House of Representatives: I have given very attentive consideration to a resolution of the House of Representatives passed on the 3d day of April, requesting the President of the United States to inform the House whether any executive offices, acts, or duties, and, if any, what, have within a specified period been performed at a distance from the seat of government established by law, etc. I have never hesitated and shall not hesitate to communicate to Congress, and to either branch thereof, all the information which the Constitution makes it the duty of the President to give, or which my judgment may suggest to me or a request from either House may indicate to me will be useful in the discharge of the appropriate duties confided to them. I fail, however, to find in the Constitution of the United States the authority given to the House of Representatives (one branch of the Congress in which is vested the legislative power of the Government) to require of the Executive, an independent branch of the Government—co-ordinate with the Senate and House of , Representatives—an account of his discharge of his appropriate and purely executive offices, acts, and duties, either as to when, where, or how performed. What the House of Representatives may require as a right in its demand upon the Executive for information, is limited to what is necessary for the proper discharge of its powers of legislation or of impeachment. The inquiry in the resolution of the House as to where executive acts have within the last seven years been performed, and at what distance from any particular spot or for how long a period at any one time, etc., does not necessarily belong to the province of legislation. It does not profess to be asked for that object. If this information be sought through an inquiry of the President as to his executive acts in view or in aid of the power of impeachment vested in the House, it is asked in derogation of an inherent natural right, recognized in this country by a constitutional guarantee which protects every citizen, the President as well as the humblest in the land, from being mades a witness against himself. During the time that I have had the honor to occupy the position of President of this Government, it has been, and while I continue to occupy that position it will continue to be, my earnest endeavor to recognize and to respect the several trusts and duties and powers of the coordinate branches of the Government, not encroaching upon them nor allowing encroachments upon the proper powers of the office which the people of the United States have confided to me, but aiming to preserve in their proper relations the several powers and functions of each of the co-ordinate branches of the Government agreeably to the Constitution, and in accordance with the solemn oath which I have taken to "preserve, protect, and defend" that instrument. In maintenance of the rights secured by the Constitution to the executive branch of the Government, I am compelled to decline any specific or detailed answer to the request of the House for information as to "any executive offices, acts, or .duties, and, if any, what, have been performed at a distance from the seat of Government established by law, and for how long a period at any one time and in what part of the United States." If, however, the House of Representatives desires to know whether during the period of upward of seven years during which I have |