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3a and passed :-Loan Societies; Apprehension of of fenders: Turnpike Trusts (South Wales); Highway Private.-1a. Brighton, Lewes, and Hastings Railway (Hastings, Rye, and Ashford Extension).

Rates.

2. Yoker Road (No. 2); Dublin Pipe Water; South Eastern Railway (Tunbridge to Tunbridge Wells); Bir

mingham and Gloucester Extension Railway (Stoke Branch); Shrewsbury and Holyhead Road; Marquess

of Westminster's Estate.

Reported.-Gravesend and Rochester Railway; South

entering into the discussion of a measure which had been rejected in the other House of Parliament, and which had not come under their Lordships' consideration.

Lord Campbell repudiated the idea of reviving a law that had been allowed to lie dormant for more than a century; and under which his esteemed friend Sir David

Eastern Railway (Greenwich Extension); Londonderry Brewster-a man whose reputation was

and Coleraine Railway; Cromford Canal.

5 and passed:-Lutwidge's (or Fletcher's) Estate; Ta-
cumshin Lake Embankment; Aberdeen Railway; Ber-
mondsey Improvement; Sheffield Waterworks; Edin-
burgh and Hawick Railway; Edinburgh and Northern
Railway; Caledonian Railway; Clydesdale Junction
Railway; Dundee and Perth Railway; Newcastle and
Berwick Railway; Scottish Central Railway; London
and South Western Metropolitan Extension Railway;

Scottish Midland Junction Railway.
PETITIONS PRESENTED. From General Assembly of Free

Church of Scotland, and from Haddington, and several
other places, in favour of the Universities (Scotland) Bill.

-From Presbytery or Synod of Munster, in favour of the Colleges (Ireland) Bill.

SCOTTISH UNIVERSITIES.] The Marquess of Breadalbane presented several petitions from places in Scotland, praying for the abolition of all religious tests in the Scottish Universities. One of the petitions was from the General Assembly of the Free Church of Scotland, which embodied several resolutions in which the exclusion of all religious tests was not advocated, but in which the petitioners expressed themselves strongly against the exclusive system now sought to be revived by the members of the Established Church in that country. He begged, in presenting these petitions, to express his sincere regret, that the measure which had been brought forward in the other House of Parliament for remedying this grievance, had been lost by the opposition of Her Majesty's Government; though they had originally expressed them selves favourable to it. The Scotch Colleges would now afford education to but a comparatively small portion of the population; whereas, if the Bill to which he had alluded had passed, they would be able to afford the most important benefits to the people generally. In his opinion, the speech of the noble Lord opposite (Lord Stanley), in introducing the Irish Colleges Bill, was the very best introduction that could have been made to a measure for Scotland.

Lord Stanley denied that the Government had acted inconsistently with regard to Ireland and Scotland. They required no new test in the latter country; and they expressed their determination to maintain the existing test in the case of the University of Dublin. He must, however, decline

European—was in danger of being turned out of his office.

BREACH OF PRIVILEGE-IRISH GREAT WESTERN RAILWAY.] Lord Brougham said, he had a question of privilege on which to claim their Lordships' attention, which, of course, had precedence of all others, including that which his noble Friend had just brought under their notice. It was known to their Lordships, that he was one of those-forming, he feared, a minority in their Lordships' House-who entirely disapproved - who on principle disapproved-of all violent and forcible exercise of what were called the privileges-but what he would call rather the powers than the privileges-of Parliament; and that, consequently, he confined his objections to the exercise of those privileges, to certain cases where they were not used in the nature of remedies, or removal of obstructions; but that he, at the same time, constantly-and so did many noble Lords, noble Friends of his, who agreed with him-entirely approved, as of necessity they must approve, of the existence and exercise of privilege, where it was confined to removing obstructions to their Lordships' proceedings. Whether the case which he was about to bring before their Lordships fell within that description or not, he would not say; but after the course which had been recently taken within the present Session, and only a few days ago, he felt it to be his bounden duty, that he should, even if he were not the person individually concerned in this breach of privilege, bring it under their Lordships' attention. It was necessary to state, before he read to the House a statement which had been published in a newspaper, that they took notice elsewhere, as he was informed by common report, not only of what passed in their Lordships House, but even in their Select and Secret Committees, designating the very persons who had spoken, and commenting on the speeches made. He did not choose to retaliate by taking any notice whatever of what passed in the other House, unless he

happened to see it reported in the Votes. gerated, and almost fanciful terms in which But when he perceived this publication, he described the power which he (Lord he could not remain silent respecting it. Brougham) was likely to have in this So gross a fabrication, and so scandalous a matter. He gave Mr. Fitzstephen French libel on the other House of Parliament-credit

, as he did now, for being exceedingly not only on a Member of the House, but anxious on the matter; he had no doubt on the House itself as a body--could not whatever but that it was from a purely well be imagined. He knew that the generous and public principle, that he took other House could protect itself, and defend so great an interest in the Dublin and Galits own privileges, and that without any way Railway; and that if he was the interference on the part of their Lordships ; Member who had given the Notice to inbut still the subject was one, he was pre- duce the House of Commons to rescind the pared to show, worthy of their Lordships' vote of their Committee, he did so from a notice. Some weeks ago, he was informed highminded feeling-that, in fact, he had by the Votes of the other House that a no more concern in the project as a director Railway Bill having been reported against or shareholder, than he (Lord Brougham) by the Standing Orders Committee, for had; but that he thought on the matter

; almost innumerable breaches of the Stand- as he believed it to be his duty as a good ing Orders, that Report was received by Irishman to do. He had been willing to the House ; and then a Member of the give him (Mr. F. French) credit for these House, as he perceived also by the Votes, patriotic feelings; but he had since discoof the name of Mr. Fitzstephen French, vered that this person was actually one of came down, and made a Motion to rescind the directors of the Dublin and Galway the Resolution, and to allow the Bill to Railway Board ; and he also found out, in proceed. He was reminded by his noble the course of the inquiry that had been Friend near him (Lord Monteagle), that delegated to him, that all these directors the name of the hon. Member was not took shares as a qualification for their office. mentioned in the Votes ; but, at all events, He had found, too, that almost all the a Member made a Motion to rescind the directors took, besides the twenty shares decision of the Committee, in consequence which it was necessary for them to hold of the narrow majority by which it had as a qualification, five hundred shares each been obtained; he had, however, reason to over and above, that they might be more know, and that from matters which occur- certain of having an interest in its success. red out of the House, who the hon. Mem- But he had likewise discovered that the ber' was. He took notice of what he had invariable rule followed by almost all these seen on the Votes of the other House in directors was, the very moment they got his place in Parliament, in order to give these five hundred shares, to keep just the parties concerned what he thought was twenty of them, necessary for their qualia humane, and considerate, and generous fication, and to sell the others. In that warning, in order that they might not way, it appeared that one gallant officer, a be throwing away their money in support gallant general, made no less than 7001. or of the Bill; because if, as was not improb- 8001., as well as, of course, at the same able, it would be found that the Standing time, gratifying his patriotic feelings to Orders of their Lordships' House, as well wards Ireland; and that these directors as those of the other House of Parliament, were thus sellers of their shares, and that had been violated, no majority of their they profited thereby. He did not blame Lordships would be found to rescind the them; but they had seen lately two genvote of their Committee. After that an- tlemen most severely visited for interfering nouncement, he was waited upon by Mr. in railway shares, as if they were the only Fitzstephen French ; and that fact, though persons who had ever done anything of the not recorded in the Votes, he knew of his kind ; whereas it was upon the evidence of own knowledge. He, or a person calling the very Committee by which they were himself Mr. Fitzstephen French--for he condemned, that others without number had not the honour of knowing the Gen- had done the very same thing, without betleman previously--waited upon him (Lord ing condemned ; and, in fact, all that had Brougham) on the subject. He would say been done by those who were so complained nothing of the unduly complimentary of was, that they received shares as a comterms which the Gentleman applied to pliment, after the thing was over; nor did him ; of the great power and weight which it appear, that their vote or interest was he possessed ; and of the somewhat exag- ever affected in the slightest degree by any

!

previous bargain. He stepped aside wil-mittee he had had communication with lingly to do this act of justice to individuals two individuals. One of these was Mr. who had been oppressed by a Pharisaical Smith, who was parliamentary agent for purity, which had lately been got up on the petition, and against the Bill; and the the subject of railways, and which, before other was a Mr. Croucher, of whom he the Session was over, would be found to knew nothing, but who had given him a be misplaced. It was more agrecable to letter on the subject, which he had put in him to do justice to them than to himself his pocket, and had never read to this hour. on the present occasion. He drew a dis- The other papers he had received he had tinction, however, between them and those handed to the Chairman of the Committee persons who made Motions to get majori- (the Earl of Besborough). They were, under ties in favour of certain Bills, and who the Orders of the House, to receive this voted themselves, as if influenced by patri- information; they could not choose but reotic principles, while they were at the very ceive it, and they acted upon it. They time shareholders in the projects which then sent for Mr. Smith and Mr. Croucher, they supported. If Mr. Bonham and and desired them to point out the names Captain Boldero had done that, he should which had been forged, fabricated, or regard their conduct in a very different signed by the persons nominating. He light from that in which he now viewed it. pointed out some eight or ten cases, into However, when this gentleman, Mr. Fitz- every one of which the Committee mistephen French, applied to him, he threw nutely inquired. In the course of this inhimself on his protection. He (Mr. F.quiry the name of Fitzstephen French ocFrench) called it mercy; for he said, that curred, and the very question at which he if they were great and powerful, he hoped took such grievous offence was not put by they would also be merciful. He added the Committee themselves, but read from that he adopted the course which he had a paper of Mr. Pym, whose charges against taken, in consequence of the absence of his the railway shareholders and brokers the noble Friend then behind him (the Mar- Committee were commanded to inquire quess of Clanricarde), thereby meaning to into. He (Lord Brougham) was about to insinuate that the noble Marquess was as read that which appeared in a morning fond of the Bill as he was himself; and paper of that day, The Times, and which that if he had been present, he would have he should presently state his reasons for been a party to the application. He had believing to be a gross fabrication. It purnever seen this individual before, and heported to be the report of a debate in the had scarcely met him since. His answer to him was, that he should wait till he saw the Bill; and that the parties would find it difficult to get over the Standing Orders; and that their Lordships allowed no canvassing on Private Bills; that he "Mr. French considered that the House could have no communication with him was perfectly correct in watching with a jeaexcept what was official and public; but lous eye the conduct of those to whom it dethat he should be happy to receive any legated its authority. He would state this useful suggestion to guide him. Their generally, as it appeared to him that it should Lordships would recollect that a noble not be limited in its application to parties Friend of his had presented a petition from only who had been mixed up in pecuniary a gentleman and banker of the name of transactions. There were other still greater Pym, which complained that the share list delinquencies than any that had been alluded to that evening. Could the House for a moof this Company had been made out by ment conceive the person who had been se inventing names, and signing falsely signa- lected, in this or the other House of Parlia tures for others, who had given no autho- ment, as a judge, placing himself in secret rity for doing so, and that thus the Stand-communication with the agent of one of the ing Orders of their Lordships' House had parties-receiving and acting upon informanot been complied with. So great a fraud, tion he acquired in this manner from the inalleged to have been practised by any par- opposition to the case he had been appointed dividual who had been selected to get up the ties in their Lordships' House, led to an immediate appointment of a Committee to by those who were defending themselvesto try-browbeating every witness brought up inquire into the matter. He had the ho-having the indecency, in a railroad case, to nour of being one of that Committee; and demand whether their shares were at a prein his capacity of a Member of the Com-mium? and, being answered in the affirma

other House of Parliament-pretended to be, but he should say falsely; and he would presently show why he called it false, not merely technically, but substantially:

a

tive, declaring he would take care to have , sion of ideas. He was placed in an inquithem at a discount;' and, ultimately, sup- sitorial, not a judicial situation. They pressing the evidence which disproved the case were a Committee appointed to inquire he was anxious to establish? Would not the into and report the result of their inquiry, case be worse if this individual had once occupied a bigh legal station? Perhaps you will and their Lordships and the Comunittee tell me that conduct such as this can only be on the Bill alone were the judges ; but, it accounted for by the individual being fitter went on to say, “placing himself in secret for being placed as an inmate in a large communication with the agent of one of establishment at the other side of the water, the parties, receiving and acting upon inthan for occupying a seat in either llouse of formation he acquired in this manner." Parliament. Conceive a Company placing He refused all communication on the subbefore him every document in their posses-ject; he received letters which he did not sion, in reference to the case--the minute, read, and refused to speak to Mr. Smith book of all their proceedings-their bankers' accounts, showing all their money transac

or Mr. Croucher ; but that was accidental, tions, and into which the Company courted for he had a perfect right to speak to an investigation, tendering their Chairman them. They did not want to get secret for examination, whom he refused to call, but information behind people's backs--they behind his back basely attempted to calum- only wanted to know what witnesses they niate, asking, ‘Had he ever been a candidate were to call, and it was his business to for a lucrative employment in a rival rail-examine into that. He never had the way? Possibly sucli a question should be re- least secret communication with any hugarded with contempt, as coming from one who had shown himself incapable of either

man being whatever on the subject. thinking, acting, or speaking, as a gentleman;

Browbeating every witness bronght up but as he (Mr. French) was the person about by those who were defending themselves.” whom this question was put, and feeling that, That he sharply examined one or two was there the slightest foundation for this base witnesses was true, and if he had not so and dastardly insinuation, he should be un examined them the truth would have worthy of a place amongst them, he had been concealed, delinquencies would not deemed it his duty to call their attention to have been brought to light, and great culthe fact. The individual about whose conduct

It was proved he had spoken (and he was prepared to estab- prits would have escaped. lish every statement he had made) was Lord that the names of persons who never had Brougham and Vaux, and the case the Dublin been in existence were forged; that he and Galway Railway."

sharply examined any one excepting the

person from whom he obtained those He thought he might well ask their Lord. facts, and one or two agents of the Comships if ever they had seen, in the whole pany who he saw were giving unsatisfaccourse of their lives, a more foul and libel- tory answers and fencing the questions, lous, and he was about to show it to be was perfectly untrue ; that he browbeat false—but had they ever seen a more foul any one of those witnesses was utterly and slanderous attack on any individual? false—if he had attempted to do any

such And this attack was upon an individual thing the noble Chairman and the rest of not volunteering his services, but com- the Committee would at once have checkpelled by their Lordships, ordered to at- ed him. And here it might be right tend a Committee, and obliged, in the that he should step aside and say that he execution of that duty, to put questions, had no interest against the Dublin and whether he would or no. The Committee Galway Railway; that he knew nothing were obliged to put the question alluded of that or any rival Company; and that to, because Mr. Pym the petitioner had he never was concerned with any railwritten it, and given it to the Committee, way except in one instance, and that was and it was from his handwriting that twenty years ago, when he held twentythey had put it. In the whole course of five shares in a railway for a few weeks, the proceeding they had acted in every having been desired by some gentlemen of respect according to the strict rules of the town of Liverpool to patronise it, by legal evidence known in all the courts of giving his name (having been connected justice. Now, the first thing alleged was with the town), but he disposed of them as this, “ Could the House for a moment soon as he could. Having the indecency conceive the person who had been selected in a railroad case to demand whether their in this or the other House of Parliament as shares were at a premium,”—(it was one a judge”-that was utterly untrue, it was of the very things to be inquired into)-an absolute and entire blunder and confu- " and being answered in the affirmative,

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declaring he would take care to have them, indisputably have been sent to be sworn, at a discount;" as if he could have done and then his evidence would have been so! It was evidently untrue-if he liad received. Finding, however, that he knew said anything at all. He said, probably, that nothing, the Committee saw he could tell when this evidence came out—evidence of nothing; and, if he had been sworn fifty a parish pauper who could not read and times over, he could not have given hearsay write being put down as having paid 1751. in evidence, and, consequently, he was not deposit, and having an allotment of shares sworn and not examined. But Mr. Parkes to the amount of 7,5001.-it was pro- put the Committee in the way of obtaining bable they would soon be at a discount- evidence; for when he was asked who would that would be a very natural observation. probably be able to give evidence on the “ And ultimately suppressing the evidence acts of the York Company, his reply was, which disproved the case he was anxious that most probably the secretary could. to establish.” That was impossible; and if The secretary of the York Company was any man of common sense, not being in a accordingly sent for by the Committee, violent fury when he wrote this, had re- who thoroughly believed from Mr. Parkes's flected for a moment, he would have seen statement, that he was coming to speak that no Member of a Committee had the for and to bolster up the agents, the secrepower of suppressing evidence. But he tary, the attorney, and the brokers. The would tell their Lordships what this pas- next day the secretary of the York came sage meant, and a most precious jumble and was sworn, and anything equal to the and falsification it was. After the Com-contrast and the striking difference between mittee had seen how all these things were the proceedings of the York Company, done, a witness was produced to show that with its respectable directors and secretary what had been done with reference to the and agents, and this Dublin and Galway Dublin and Galway Railway Bill was done line, he had never in his life seen, and it was in all other Railway Bills. They said it impossible to conceive. This showed the might be wrong, but there was no pecu- small use of the exumination of Mr. Parkes, liarity in it; and to prove this they produced for Mr. Parkes thought they had done the Mr. Joseph Parke, an astorney, very well same thing. With respect to the Dublin known about the Houses of Parliament as and Galway Railway, out of 970 applicants an attorney. He was produced in the ex- for shares, only 111 had given any refertremity of the case to give his evidence. ence as to character or solvency; whereas, He appeared totally unconnected, and it the rule of the London and York was never was supposed that he had no connexion to receive any applications for shares withwith this railway at all; but the manner out a reference; so that all the rest of the in which he gave his statement led him applications beyond the 111 would have (Lord Brougham) to believe that he was been thrown in the fire by the London connected with the railway, or, at any and York. But it was not so with the rate, that he had a great feeling for it. Dublin and Galway. What, however, did Be that, however, as it might, he told the the House think this Company did with Committee that this sort of thing was done these 111 cases? The London and York every day; that it was done on the York, sent a man about for more than six weeks, on the Western, and on other railroads. making inquiries and asking whether the He was asked whether he knew this of his individuals were such as they had themown knowledge ; and his reply was, that selves described. He gave his report, and he had been connected with the lines only according to that report the shares were when before Parliament; and when he allotted. What did the Dublin and Galway was further asked whether he had anything do? Did they examine into these 111 to do with the issuing, the allotment, or cases? They made inquiry as to just twentythe giving of shares, his answer was, nine. Of these twenty-nine they found " Oh no, I had nothing to do with the lines that about fourteen, or one-half, gave

false before they came before Parliament.” He and fictititious accounts, that they were was ready to vouch for what he believed unknown at the place to which references to be the truth, but he knew nothing about were made, or that they were paupers. it; he knew nothing except from hearsay; Therefore, they stopped; they did not inand it was clear the Committee could not quire into the other eighty cases, fearing, take that as evidence. This gentleman no doubt, that if they proceeded further had not been sworn, but, if bis evidence they might fare worse. They proceeded, had leen of value to either side, he would therefore, to make their allotment of shares,

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