the Company. He said this, too, after a tect themselves? Who placed it, so cirrumour had actually reached this country cumstanced, amongst the strongest and of the awful catastrophe which has taken most populous of the native tribes, and at place in the Bay of Islands. Neither he last brought the two races into collision nor any one else can charge this upon the with each other? The GovernmentNew Zealand Company, who had no hand and the Government alone-are responwhatever in originating this great mischief. sible for the present danger of Auckland. What are the opinions of persons com- Who left it defenceless? Governor Fitzroy, petent to judge in respect of these out- to be sure, in refusing to embody the rages? Mr. Busby, who is not very fa- militia after the first outrages had been vourable to the Company, says that the perpetrated. He and his Council then dewhole of Heki's insurrection originally liberated upon the instructions sent out by arose out of the land question, and from Lord Stanley as to the embodying of the the natives not understanding the mode militia for the defence of the place. The in which the Government sought to deal result of their deliberation was, that they with their land. This was stated to be the determined to disregard and repudiate the foundation of the whole mischief. In ad- orders in this respect of successive Secredition to this, is there no other part of the taries of State, and refrained from empolicy of the Government which has led bodying the militia for fear of alarming directly to these results? What insti- the natives. Here, then, was the result. gates Heki to the outrages committed by From fear of alarming the natives, you him? He has been instigated thereto by have placed yourselves absolutely at their impunity for his previous outrages-by the mercy. But I am not inclined to do injusreward for those outrages which he actually tice to Captain Fitzroy. He is recalledreceived. The result of the last outrage I do not wish to have him made the scapewhich he committed was, that the Go-goat for the offences of others. What are vernor went to the Bay of Islands, pre- the charges which he brings against the tended to take a nominal revenge, and Government? He is now defenceless, proceeded forthwith to abolish the customs. Has nothing resulted, too, from the impunity with which outrage was visited in other parts of the islands? It is notorious that many chiefs in the island held up the impunity of Rauperaha for the massacre at Wairau as an inducement for their tribes to follow the example thus set them; and asking why, if Rauperaha killed the Europeans with impunity in the south, they should not do the same in the north? Mr. George Clarke said, and he is an authority to whom the hon. Baronet the Member for the University of Oxford (Sir R. Inglis) will defer, that among the natives of the north there was a very strong feeling of dislike, disgust, and contempt entertained towards the Government, and that the most calamitous results might follow from this, unless measures were rapidly taken to check them. What circumstances have more particularly contributed to the danger of Auckland? Why have disputes broken out there? Was not the cause stated in the last debate upon this subject? Is any-proves of. [Mr. G. W. Hope dissented.] body responsible for this state of things but the Government? Who placed Auckland in the north? Who placed it the seat of government, where there was the smallest proportion of white men to pro

but it is not his own fault only. He sent to the Government for additional forces, to meet what he conceived to be the exigency of the place. Have his despatches, which contained this request, been all laid before us? [Mr. G. W. Hope: Every one.] What has not been laid before us, then, is the defence of the Government. I allude to the despatches sent long before the collision, in which he states that, from the first, he has actually been endeavouring to impress upon the Government a sense of the necessity of protecting the settlements by an additional force, and that, up to the month of May or June, the Government never took a single step to send him this additional force. The mischiefs which have ensued are, therefore, greatly attributable to the policy of the Government, and not to Captain Fitzroy alone. Lord Stanley is, in a great measure, responsible for them all. He must not shift the responsibility from himself to the Governor, whose acts and policy he entirely ap

It is true that Lord Stanley disapproved of the violation on the part of the Governor of his instructions in regard to debentures; but have the Government disapproved of any other portion of his conduct?

is about to be applied by the Government? I find no satisfaction in Captain Fitzroy's being made the scape-goat-no satisfaction simply in his being recalled. What I want is, a satisfactory proof of your determination to pursue a different and a better course then hitherto. You have now punished Captain Fitzroy. What have you done though to the subordinates, by whom the whole mischief has, in fact, been in a great measure superinduced; that is to say, what has been done to those in power, who, under the Government, have been helping in their unfortunate policy? We have not heard of one single subordinate being reprimanded. Although the Colonial Secretary was obliged to dis approve of their conduct in more than one instance, not one of them has been repri manded. The last fact which has come to light in reference to them is, that Mr. Shortland has, in reward of his services in New Zealand, been thought worthy of being made Governor of one of the West India islands. There was one circumstance which, up to a recent period, did give me

In reference to the whole system of policy | to be applied. What hope have we that which engendered the fatal dissensions of any effectual remedy will be applied, or which we have now to complain, have they done anything to put an end to that policy and its evil fruits? There never has been in the history of the whole Colonial Department a Governor who, generally speaking, had to such an extent the cordial approbation of the Department, as Captain Fitzroy has received from Lord Stanley. If we look at the despatches which passed from the noble Lord to his Lieutenant in New Zealand, we find that it is always "You and I," as if he and Captain Fitzroy were perfectly agreed. Of the policy which has been pursued in New Zealand, and of all its fruits, Lord Stanley must bear the full responsibility. What, let me again ask, have been its results? You have brought about the greatest and the most horrible calamity which you could possibly inflict upon the Colony a determined and a regular war of races. Don't believe that this evil is to be evanescent. If you do send out a force now, and put the natives down by dint of your superior skill and discipline, you do not even then repress the insurrection; you do not extinguish the alienation of the na-hope: it was the tone assumed by the Gotives; you do not repress the desire for revenge, which you have been so instrumental yourselves in kindling in their bosoms; you do not extirpate the animosity which you have created between the white man and the brown, the feud of blood, the war of races, which, I fear will now last as long as differences of colour enables the two races to be distingushed from each other. I am free to admit that it is frequently the custom of the Opposition to attribute events like those which have recently occurred in New Zealand, to the bad policy and imbecile administration of the Government to which they are opposed. But I ask any candid man to look at the policy which has been pursued in New Zealand, and at its necessary results, and then say whether there can be a doubt that the whole of these results might not have been averted by a display of greater wisdom and firmness on the part of the Government, and whether the disasters which have overtaken the Colony are not attributable to the ruinous and unwise policy which the Government have thought proper to pursue. But to turn from the evils which have been effected, let us now come to what is a far more important question at present-the remedy which is

vernment in the late debate upon New Zealand, and the promises then lavishly made of an altered and improved policy for the future. It is not to the particular words then used that I attach importance, but to the general tone of the speeches then delivered, and especially to that of the speech of the right hon. Baronet (Sir R. Peel). When he came forward, as he did on that occasion, and stated his views of that policy, I did think them so enentirely in accordance with his own good feelings and judgment, that I was bound to believe him perfectly sincere, not only in his expressions, as indicating his opinions at the time, but in his avowed intentiens to give full effect to his feelings and views. I now want to ask the House what effect has been given to them? The immediate effect of the division on that occasion was very visible. I was myself at the moment severely reproached by an hon. Friend, and by others, who perfectly agreed with me upon the general question, for going to a division at all. I was told that so doing was pushing a Government, who were really willing to do right, rather too hard; that it was compromising the interests of the Colony to divide, after the Government had given all that

even reminded of Lord John Russell's instruc

wanted in their liberal and numerous | among persons in office in the Colony, that instructions coming from so great a distance promises. I know, too, that there were several Gentlemen on the other side of the may generally be evaded, or totally disreHouse whose votes were materially affected John Russell's admirable body of instructions garded, with impunity. On comparing Lord by these promises. I have seen stateto the first Governor, dated 9th December, ments from more than one, to the effect 1840, with the whole of His Excellency's prothat they would then have voted with us, ceedings, it becomes manifest that the advice if they had not trusted to the assurances of and commands of the Secretary of State made the right hon. Baronet-if they had not no more impression on the authorities of the relied on those assurances being carried Colony than if they had never been written; that in no one instance were they observed; into effect. We had no choice, after and that in very many the conduct of the local these, but to enter into further negotiation Government was precisely opposite to the exwith the Government. It was said by press words and whole tenor of thes aid body some that the Company were wrong in so of instructions. And what is yet more deserv doing; but what would have been thought ing of remark, not only was this utter conof us if, after such assurances from the tempt of instructions visited by no punishhead of the Government, we had refused ment, but the Governor, whom everybody in the Colony knew to be labouring under to enter into negotiation with the Govern- disease which absolved him from personal ment; while it would have been held by responsibility, was kept in office, and conmany that we were endangering the welfare tinued to enjoy the confidence of the Colonial of the Colony and of all the settlers, from Office until the hour of his death. In like private pique and resentment, had we manner his subordinates, who really carried on refrained from such further negotiation? the government in his name, have never been Public opinion compelled us to negotiate. tions. The only persons upon whom the Colonial And what is the result? I have seen it in Office has cast any blame for the calamities the Papers before the House, and it has, which the disregard of those instructions has in fact, been communicated by Lord produced, are the suffering colonists and the Stanley, in the shape of instructions given ruined New Zealand Company; and, although to the new Governor. What I complain Captain Fitzroy has indeed been recalled, of in the first instance is, that with the there is every reason to believe that the confi fate of the Colony in the scales, you do dence of the Colonial Office would still have been ostentatiously extended to him, if he had nothing to set it right and appease the had sense enough to evade or otherwise to disalarm of the people interested in its fate; regard, without defying, Lord Stanley's inyou give them, in fact, no more stable as- structions." surance than your instructions to your new Governor. What is the real worth of them? You make laws, and your Colonial Governor generally obey them, although in more instances than one, Governor Fitzroy did not even do that. The law has some force even in the Colonial Office; but it is, in too many cases, disregarded by your Governors. This is stated in the petition which has recently been presented from the Settlements, which has been printed, and is now in the hands of hon. Members. From that petition the House will excuse me if I read a few lines:

In this case, what security have we for these instructions being of any effect? Observe the circumstances under which they have been issued. They have been issued to a gentleman of whom no intelligence has been had for the last five months, and who, you are not certain, is even now alive. But even if he be so, you do not yet know that Captain Grey will accept the new office, in lieu of the office of Governor of a Colony in which he has been so useful that he will give up that office for that of Governor of New Zealand, "With regard to the alleged responsibility with all its responsibility, with its wretched of the officers of Government in New Zealand salary, and the fearful task of repairing I happen to to the Colonial Office in London, your peti- the blunders of other men. tioners would observe that, in the history of know that some of Captain Grey's friends this Colony, nothing is more remarkable than have expressed a strong opinion that it the disregard by the local authorities of the would, on his part, be highly imprudent instructions which they received from the Secwere he to accept the government of New retary of State. The cases of specific disobe-Zealand. These instructions, therefore, dience are numerous and important; but that which has led the colonists to despair of the efficacy of instructions from Downing-street, is abundant evidence of an habitual feeling

are issued to a Governor about whose acceptance of office you are not yet sure. In what state is the Colony now? Suppose

generally; but I think that the government of that Colony, in connexion with those who are immediately interested in its local pros perity, assigning to them due weight and influence in the administration of affairs, framed upon general principles, would be a form of government well calculated for New Zealand. In short, I cannot see what assignable interest you can have, except in the commercial and social prosperity of that country. The only possible ground of connexion that can exist will depend upon its being profitable. It is impossible that, at the distance at which we are, this country can seek any advantage in its connexion with New Zealand except reciprocal interests; and, above all, upon the local prosperity of the Colony."

And the right hon. Baronet continued :

any miscarriage arises from this cause? | have rescued New Zealand from the evils You recalled Governor Fitzroy in April, attendant on a penal settlement. I speak and you sent out these instructions in July to Captain Grey. Suppose Captain Fitzroy resigns whenever he receives your instructions, into whose hands will the Colonial Government fall should Captain Grey not be on the spot to receive it, or should he refuse to accept the office you have proffered him? It will fall into the hands of the Colonial Secretary, of whom I can only say, that he has been a prominent participator in every one of Captain Fitzroy's blunders, in those especially for which you have recalled Captain Fitzroy-I mean Dr. Sinclair, whose speeches have certainly been the most absurd of any speeches ever delivered in that most absurd body, the Colonial Council, and whose education and qualifications are these that until two or three years ago he never served in any other capacity than that of the surgeon of a ship. That is the gentleman into whose hands, under these circumstances, the government of the Colony will fall, to whose care will be entrusted for some time the duties of New Zealand. Suppose no miscarriage arises from any of these causes, I want to ask, are your instructions satisfactory, are they clear from ambiguity, are they sure of being made more effective than were your previous instructions? I now want to call attention particularly to an assurance which was given us in the last debate as to the government of the Colony. What is more important to us, than the settlement of our particular claims, is the giving a good government to the Colony. That must necessarily be the first object for us to study to attain, in seeking to discharge aright our responsibility to those whom we have been instrumental in sending thither. Until you have a system of government in the Colony which will rantee them against the most absurd misgovernment, there will be no security for either property or colonists in New Zealand. On this all-important subject, nothing could be more satisfactory than was the language of the right hon. Baronet at the head of the Government. He then said

gua

"At the same time it is impossible to apply the principle of a representative government to an island where the different settlements in the island are at such great distances from each other. The noble Lord says that he thinks Auckland was ill selected as the seat of Government. It might be so in some local respects: but I apprehend that, so far as military and naval considerations are concerned, Auckland possesses great recommendations. But this is one of those questions which must be influenced by local rather than general considerations. It is a point which cannot be determined upon by any other consideration than what may be most advantageous to the people. It is quite clear that, seeing how the settlers are spread over the Northern Island, it would be no easy matter to apply the principle of a representative government, according to the rule observed in more thickly populated countries. I believe that by far the best plan would be the formation of a municipal government with an extensive power of local taxation for local purposes — that this form, at all events, should be established in the first instance. I think you will find that, in the opinion of Mr. Burke, the formation of the Government in North America arose from these municipal institutions. In his speech to the sheriffs of Bristol, he says, these representative governments in North America grew up he knew not how. There they were. The people left this country with those feelings of pride and attachment to liberty which were the boast of the mother country. They began with municipal institutions; and distance, and absence, and the control of local circumstances increased them, and from small beginnings, into representative communities. This was the natural growth of these institutions. Those nations which have Colonies must expect this to be the ultimate result."

The right hon. Baronet says

"With respect to the future government of the Colony, I am, for one, strongly inclined to think that a representative government is suited for the condition of the people of that Colony. There is not the objection to it "Now I am strongly inclined to think that whichimght apply to a penal Colony. You the germ of a representative government in a