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tered and swept away, of which acquisition of liberty has been followed by so rapid an augmentation of power; which in wealth, in intelligence, in organized determination, has made advances so prodigious; and the future progress of which is as much beyond doubt, as its past progress is beyond revocation. Suppose, I say, that he belonged to those millionsthose Catholic millions, who call themselves the people of Ireland, and who to that designation have proved their title; suppose that he belonged to those eight millions, with whom so many attributes of power are associated, and that he was animated by the feelings with which the consciousness of power must needs be combined and suppose (for I have not done with my hypothesis), that the First Minister of the greatest Empire in the world, at the head of an overwhelming Parliamentary majority, baffled and discomfited in his enterprises of coercion, were to announce and to proclaim that force in the government of Ireland was powerless-that by force agitation could not be put down - that trial by jury was of little or no avail-that conciliation must be resorted to and furthermore, suppose that the Ministers by whom those acknowledgments had been made were to turn to him, and to ask, "what would content him?" To that interrogatory to such an interrogatory what would be his answer?" Equality." I'll dare be sworn, it would be equality-political, official, ecclesiastical, academical-in all regards, "equality." You know, in your heart, you know that nothing else would satisfy you; in your heart's core you know that nothing else will satisfy or ought to satisfy us; and, I tell you, at the close of this, the fifth Session of your Parliament, that if you shall persevere in withholding it, your Government will be a series of frustrations-your half measures-your homœopathic remedies, will but aggravate the national distemper. You will cast oil upon flames-you will but excite and inspirit agitation-and at last, by fatal delays, by ruinous procrastination, by uncertainty of purpose, by letting, "I dare not wait upon-I would "-you will bring the country to such a pass that an outbreak will be inevitable-an eruption of the popular passions will appal you; the might of England will then be put forth-you will establish what you will

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call peace, perhaps; but with tranquillity desolation will be associated; and you will convert one of the finest islands of the ocean into a solitude, in which, in the same grave the liberties, and the happiness, and all the hopes of one country, and the honour, and the virtue, and perhaps the greatness of the other, will be interred together.

Sir R. Peel: Sir, I trust the House will bear in mind what are the circumstances under which the right hon. Gentleman has made this impassioned appeal. What is the position in which we are now standing with respect to the question of Irish academical education, on which he says, to give satisfaction there must be perfect equality? As Minister of the Crown, I am speaking towards the close of a Session, in the course of which we have been prepared, in order to establish that equality, to run counter to the strong feelings-to the strong religious feelings-of the majority, I fear, of the people of this country. In order to do that which we believe to be consistent with justice-in order to do that which we hope will be acceptable to the Roman Catholics, we came forward with a proposition for the endowment, the liberal endowment, of that institution in which the Roman Catholic ecclesiastics of Ireland receive academical education. We attached no conditions whatever to the acceptance of that grant-we proposed no restrictions with which the most scrupulous and conscientious Roman Catholics could quarrel

-we asked for no interference with their

religious doctrines. In taking powers necessary for the government of that instituabout any interference with the doctrines tion, where there could be a question that interference to Trustees, not appointed or discipline of that Church, we committed by the Crown, but elected by the free choice of the Roman Catholic bishops. To that institution we assigned a provision which was thought to be liberal, for the purpose of improving the edifice in which instruction was to be delivered. We made an annual provision for the purpose of improving the condition of those professorsmen of learning, and, I believe, of great respectability, but heretofore miserably endowed, to whom the education of the Roman Catholic youth was entrusted. There was no question whatever about the amount of the grant. If we had had reason to believe that double the amount was necessary, I assure the right hon. Gentleman that no consideration of paltry economy, or

even a fear of more inveterate opposition, , and injustice. Why, for whom were these should have deterred us from proposing it. new Colleges intended? Who will derive The measure was accepted in Ireland in benefit from them? In the north, the the spirit in which it was proposed. We Presbyterians ; in the south and the west, held communications in regard to it with the Roman Catholics. You ask us to tie the Roman Catholic prelates we had down the discrimination of the Governevery reason to believe that, so far as ment by an enactment. Do you think that the instruction of the Roman Catholic the same spirit that presided over the clergy was concerned, that measure would foundation of those establishments will be received with perfect satisfaction, and not induce the authors of the Bill to seek with acknowledgments of gratitude. But to found them on principles which shall be we did not stop there. We wished to pro- acceptable to the body for whom they are vide for the Roman Catholic youth of Ire intended ? Have we ever denied that the land a secular education of the best descrip- cordial co-operation of the Roman Cathotion, and without stint. True, we have not lics would be essential, almost, to their appointed, by Act of Parliament, chap- success? Do you think that we would lains; but where is the difficulty in the lightly disregard any reasonable proposiway of the appointment of chaplains by tion which they should make? I refer the Roman Catholic bishops? The whole now to the course which we pursued with charge of the right hon. Gentleman is, that respect to the Charitable Bequests Act ; we have not endowed Roman Catholic chap- and I say that there was more real conci

I lains. Now, is there in that any inequality? liation, more benefit derived from the conHave we permitted our natural preposses- duct of the Executive in acting fairly, and sions in favour of the Protestant Church, to unfettered by enactment, in carrying out give it in these new institutions any supe- that law, than if we had consented to your riority? Not in the slightest degree. In proposition, and had fettered ourselves by these new institutions the principle of an enactment. I consider that true conequality has been perfectly preserved. We ciliation, and concert, and co-operation, have given the Catholics every facility for are more likely to arise from the free acreligious instruction. We have given them tion of the Executive Government in a direct sanction and encouragement. We have friendly spirit, than from the introduction admitted that secular instruction will be im- into laws of this kind of an enactment perfect unless accompanied by religious which leaves nothing for the discriminainstruction as its basis; but we have thought tion of the Government. I maintain, (it may be erroneously) that the best way then, that with regard to our conduct as of providing that religious instruction where to Maynooth, this is not the occasion when there is so much jealousy of interference, the right hon. Gentleman should tell us was, to give every facility, but to call on that the worst principle in our adminisparents interested in the moral culture of tration of Irish affairs was that we were their children to provide the means, and to afraid of fear. But I do not take this call on the respective Churches to give rhetorical display of the right hon. Gentheir aid in providing that education. The tleman as an indication of the real feelings principle may be an

It of the Irish people. Whatever the right may be right that we should have en-hon. Gentleman may say of the alienation dowed ministers of the respective creeds; of the Roman Catholics from the Governbut, at any rate, the principle of perfect ment, I have very strong reason to believe, equality has been preserved ; and I must and I am proud to be able to state this to say, that it has been preserved for the first the House, that among the Roman Cathotime. When I say “ first time," I do not lic laity of Ireland there is a strong feel. mean to apply those words in their common ing of approbation of the policy we have acceptation ; but I mean to say, that it is pursued, and a desire to support it. I unusual in any country where there is an was sorry to hear the speech of the right Established Church to place on precisely hon. Gentleman, because I know the use the same footing ministers of creeds dis- that will be made of it in this country. I senting from that Church. Yet I hear 10- know it will be said, “See what you have night from the right hon. Gentleman, after gained by your policy-see the effect of all that has taken place in the course of disregarding the fears and the opinions of the present Session, imputations on the your friends. What hope have you of makGovernment, as if they had treated their ing an impression on the Irish mind, Roman Catholic brethren with partiality when, after all you have done and all you

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have encountered, the leading Roman Ca-, you look at the laws which were in force tholic of the House of Commons gets up at the time when the institution was and tells you that unless you go ten times founded, and the proposals which immedifurther, the Irish people will be guilty of ately preceded it, when, I think, the Lord insurrection ?" Sir, those are not the feel. Deputy proposed that St. Patrick's or ings of the Irish people. We do believe Christ's Church should be converted into that we have made an impression ou the a College, can you doubt that, whatever Irish mind—not a perfect one, I admit, may be the words of the charter, or whatbut an impression. It is easy to say, ever may be the view entertained as to the "Why don't you remove at once all these moral and religious education, in intention causes of ill-feeling?” It is very easy for and spirit it was meant to be a College in us to make speeches in the House of Com- connexion with and for the promotion of mons, and overlook all the difficulties the Protestant religion? At least for more which must encompass and do encompass than 200 years Trinity College has been the course of any Government—whether practically in immediate connexion with the noble Lord opposite be at its head or the Established Church. And yet the myself in conducting Irish affairs. I have right hon. Gentleman says we are violatalways felt, I always admitted, those dif- ing the principle of equality because we ficulties; but notwithstanding the speech don't open the scholarships and fellowships of the right hon. Gentleman, I say to the of Trinity College to the Roman Catholics. people of England, “Persevere in the

“Persevere in the I will say nothing now as to the propriety course you have adopted— disregard the of improving the system of education at angry speech which an eloquent man has Trinity College. I think that, with regard made-depend on it that a course of jus- to all such institutions, if you maintain tice, of forbearance, of indulgence, will the objects for which they were originally make a proper impression, and you will, founded, the more extensive you can make sooner or later, reap the fruits of such a them, the better for their stability and policy.” And, Sir, nothing deterred by credit, and for the public good. Sir,' I the speech of the right hon. Gentleman, I wish that on both sides of the House we am perfectly satisfied with the results of could take more comprehensive views than the policy we have adopted. Sir, I repeat mere academical ones in discussing this

I that we have made those liberal allowances question. I think it will be a great adfor Maynooth, and for the advancement of vantage to improve the education at Maysecular education in the west and south of nooth, and increase the means of secular Ireland ; but we are not prepared to re- education generally in the south and west linquish Trinity College, Dublin. That of Ireland. I think that, abstractedly College is possessed of, I believe, a revenue speaking, to do this will be to confer a beof about 25,0001. a year, a less amount of nefit on the people of Ireland. But this I independent revenue, as distinguished look for from this measure, that indefrom that derived from fees for education, pendently of the academical advantages it than that which has just been assigned to will confer, I do fondly trust it will be the Maynooth; assigned permanently, so as to foundation of an improved feeling between place it beyond the control of an annual those who have hitherto been separated by grant, partly that it may no longer be the religious differences. When thousands of source of annual irritation and religious petitions were brought up in this House, excitement, and partly that we might by emanating, I admit, from the religious so doing imply our confidence in the Ro- feeling of this country, when I saw those man Catholic body. We find that Trinity petitions brought up which indicated the College, Dublin, is an institution where Protestant feeling of this country, I was, almost all the ministers of the Church of I admit, proud to be able to state that the Ireland receive their education, founded Protestants of Ireland did view the Memby Queen Elizabeth, and intended, at its bers of Her Majesty's Government, genefoundation, for the promotion of the in- rally speaking, in a different spirit, and terests of the Established Church ; for al- with satisfaction, on account of their symthough in the original charter of Queen pathy with the condition of their Roman Elizabeth there is no express reference Catholic fellow-countrymen. Indeed, I to the disqualification of the Roman Ca- hardly believed it possible that the meatholics, nor any condition in terms expres- sures of the Government would have met sive of a connexion between the College with so little opposition on the part of the and the Protestant Establishment ; yet if Protestant body. I believe also that the

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course which has been pursued has tended , dation with what he said about our putting to improve the social relations between the our fingers into the Consolidated Fund? Protestants and the Roman Catholics. I Surely the hon. Gentleman must have will take Galway, from which county I been aware that the hon. Member for presented a petition. That is, perhaps, the Montrose has left his place, or he would most Roman Catholic county in Ireland, not have ventured such a suggestion. but comprising many Protestant Dis- What has become of “the pool of Besenters; but there has been at all times less thesda,” into which all the lame and acerbity of religious feeling there than in maimed institutions of Ireland were to be almost any other part of Ireland. There dipped, as he was pleased to describe the has been on the part of the higher classes Consolidated Fund? It appears now that a desire to live together in peace and the hon. Member does not wish you to diamily, and their example has extended to minish the charge on the Consolidated the lower orders; and the consequence is, Fund by applying the funds of Trinity that there has been less of feud and ani- College to the new institutions ; but you mosity in Galway than any other part of are to charge the Consolidated Fund in Ireland. Sir, I presented a petition in order to increase the revenue of Trinity favour of the measures of Government College. The inquiry is to be made from that county, to which the names of " with a view lo ascertain whether the Mr. Daly, Mr. St. George, and of other income or funds at present applied solely Protestants, who had the strongest feeling to the benefit of Protestants in Trinity in favour of their own religion, but who College, Dublin, might not be beneficially expressly approved of the course Her Ma extended so as to make Roman Catholics jesty's Government had taken. To that and Protestant Dissenters eligible, if otherpetition was also appended the name of wise qualified, to all scholarships," &c. the Roman Catholic warden of Galway; How can the extension of the funds make and ecclesiastics and laity came forward the Roman Catholics eligible? [Mr. Oswith their joint approval of the measure borne was understood to say that he had which the Government had submitted to not drawn up the Resolution.Mr. Sheil : this House. But if, after having endow- They are at the same time to be made ed Maynooth and founded these Colleges, eligible.] Perhaps the right hon. Gentle. we had declared our intention of relinquish- man claims the parentage of the Resolution. ing Trinity College, Dublin also, do you Has the hon. Gentleman (Mr. Osborne) suppose that the social harmony which the face to ask us to vote for a Resolution prevails in Galway and other parts of Ire- which I have shown to be inexplicable, land would have been continued ? Sir, I and which when pressed for explanation utterly deny the charge of the right hon. he himself is obliged to disclaim?" I had a Gentleman, that, the Government have great many other questions to ask as to treated the Roman Catholic body on any the meaning of the Resolution ; but, after other footing than that of equality, when the frauk avowal of the hon. Gentleman we endow Maynooth and establish these that he is not the author of it, and that he Colleges, and at the same time main- cannot explain it, I will spare him the tain, for Trinity College that Protestant torture which I was about to inflict. I character which has been impressed on it must say, however, that it shows how for 200 years. With regard to the Amend- good a critic I am, that having heard ment itself, it appears to me in its wording the speech of the hon. Member, and adhardly worthy of the able speech which mired it for its ability and lucid breintroduced it. It is more confused and vity, I ventured to say that the man unintelligible than might have been ex. who had made that speech could not pected from the hon. Mcmber. The ob- possibly have drawn up the Amendment. ject of the hon. Member seems to be to With respect to the measure itself, and to destroy the Protestant character of Trinity the speech of the right hon. Gentleman College ; but the language in which he the Member for Dungarvon (Mr. Sheil), stated his wish is rather confused and un- the right hon. Gentleman referred to the intelligible. He says, “and whether the part which I have taken in relation to Rofunds may not be beneficially extended”. man Catholics of Ireland. He has said [Mr. Osborne: By an additional grant.] that I for a long time offered oppositionBy an addition to the funds of the Col- not an intemperate opposition-to the lege; and by whom provided ? How does claims of the Roman Catholics, and that I the hon. Member reconcile this recommen- afterwards felt it to be my duty to bring forward a measure for a complete and un- , to give up Trinity College, Dublin, as he qualified removal of all the disabilities was to bring forward the Maynooth Bill under which they laboured. He has done and other measures. Indeed, no course justice to the motives by which I was ac- which the right hon. Baronet should adopt tuated. I was well aware of the sacrifice would surprise him. These things the I must incur by taking that course. I was right hon. Baronet did upon what he called well aware that I must not only forfeit the the principle of expediency, but which he representation of that University, to be the would call disgraceful subserviency. He Representative of which was my chief pride, bad lost all contidence in the right hon. but that I must incur the risk of alienat- Baronet, who had abandoned all those ing friends in whose esteem and confidence measures to which he had promised to I placed the utmost value. I took that adhere. He would take his course as a course when I was convinced that my co- sincere Protestant, leaving it to the right operation was indispensable to the success hon. Baronet to adopt principles half Roof that measure; and I assure the right man Catholic, and which might be half hon. Gentleman now, that there is no sa

Mahometan. crifice which I would not make-so much

Lord John Russell : The right hon. importance do I attach to the subject- Baronet (Sir Robert Peel) has hardly there is no sacrifice, however great or however lasting, which I would not make, if, hon. Friend (Mr. Sheil). My right hon.

treated fairly the argument of my right acting with justice towards Protestants

Friend, as a Roman Catholic, says, “ Let and Roman Catholics, I could contribute

us in Ireland have equality.” A very to the establishment of social peace and

fair harmony in the country to which he be- object for any Roman Catholic and for longs.

any Irishman to look 10. It was promised Sir V. Blake was understood to say that --solemnly promised at the Act of Union,

and you have never denied-no party has the petition from Galway, to which the right hon. Baronet had referred, was not Roman Catholics of Ireland. If that be

ever denied--that equality is due to the signed by the Catholic warden of Galway, because there was no such individual.

your principle, so solemoly asserted, let

us look with regard to any measure brought Sir R. Peel asked whether the hon. Ba- before the House, and see whether in reronet did not call upon him with a petition spect to that measure equality is given to from Galway, stating that the petitioners the Roman Catholics of Ireland. This is were anxious that Galway should be one

a question of academical education. I of the seats for the new Colleges ?

admit there are great merits in this BillSir V. Blake admitted that be called great merits, as it tends to promote educaupon the right hon. Baronet to recommend tion in Ireland, and tends to give liberal that Galway should be one of those seats. encouragement to the means of instruction The right hon. Baronet would probably among the commercial and middle classes recollect that, before the announcement of that country. I think it has great merit of the intention of the Government to in being entirely free from any religious found these Colleges was made public, he test. I think that is a distinguishing featook the opportunity of communicating to ture of the Bill, which I am happy to acthe right hon. Baronet certain measures knowledge. But when I come to consider by which great advantages would accrue what will be the state of academical eduto Ireland. [Sir Robert Peel: A ship cation in Ireland when this Bill has passed, canal !) Yes, and also from the establish- comparing Roman Catholics with Proment of Colleges, and he still hoped that testants, the case will be this.

With reGalway would have a University, although spect to clerical education, you may say he confessed he did not now expect those that Trinity College is a place for the advantages from any such institution ecclesiastical education of Protestants ; which it would confer if it were based more and that Maynooth is a place for the econ religion.

clesiastical education of Roman Catholics. Colonel Sibthorp said, he felt it his duty So far there is an apparent equality. But as a Protestant to oppose the Amendment when I come to consider the means for the proposed by the bon. Gentleman opposite. general education of the higher classes in He admitted that the time might come that country-I mean an education for the when the right hon. Baronet at the head learned professions with a view to obtaine of the Government might be as disposed ing distinction in various pursuits and

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