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his dominions in Germany; and that he had | gives the greatest influence to enlightened appointed his dearest Consort the Queen, to public opinion, and as best calculated for be Regent during His Majesty's absence." the prosperity and happiness of this EmA Commission to that effect accordingly pire. I should not like to see the Royal passed the Great Seal. After the death authority in abeyance for any period; and of Queen Caroline, as often as the King it seems to me inconsistent with the monwent abroad, he appointed Lords Justices, archical principle, that the country should like George I., and he usually announced be left for any period without the means his intention to Parliament. So things of exercising the Royal authority, as ocwent on till his death; and I believe I casion may require. Of course it is the may venture to say, that he never was prerogative of Her Majesty to select of absent for any period, long or short, with- her free will whomsoever she may choose out either appointing a Regent or Lords to represent her, and to govern in her Justices. In the long reign of George name. Dutifully and loyally expressing III. it is well known that the Sovereign an ardent wish for Her Majesty's happinever was absent from England. George ness while she is abroad, and for her safe IV. went abroad once, and, I believe, return to her dominions; I conclude by once only, when the same course was asking the question, whether it is not the pursued. I read the entry from the books intention that Lords Justices should be of the Privy Council:appointed during Her Majesty's absence?

"September 17, 1821.-His Majesty, in Council, was this day pleased to declare his intention of going out of the kingdom for a short time, whereupon the annexed draft of a blank Commission, for appointing Guardians and Justices for the administration of the Government during His Majesty's absence, was read at the board and approved. And his Majesty was farther pleased to declare and nominate the following persons to be the said Guardians and Justices, viz. :-Duke of York, the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Lord Chancellor, and other great Officers of State appointed."

Now, after these uniform precedents, from the most ancient times down to the present day, I humbly apprehend that Her Majesty should be advised to appoint Lords Justices to exercise the Royal authority during her absence from the country. I am not aware of any change of circumstances that can authorize a change of practice. Railroads, it is true, have been introduced; but railroads cannot alter the Constitution. Various circumstances may arise in which it may be indispensably necessary that the Royal authority should be exercised, and when there may be no opportunity for the personal exercise of that authority by Her Majesty during her absence. I may refer to the pardon of criminals, and other matters with respect to which great public inconvenience may result from the want of the exercise of the Royal authority. But there is another reason which makes it expedient, in my opinion, to appoint Lords Justices during Her Majesty's absence. I am a lover of limited monarchy, as the form of government which

The Lord Chancellor acknowledged the courtesy of his noble and learned Friend in having given him notice of his intention to ask this question. He had not, however, given him notice of his intention to discuss how far going up the Rhine might have modified the religious and political opinions of George III., and he should not. therefore, enter upon that question. He would give a distinct and short answer to the question which had been put to him by his noble and learned Friend. It was not the intention of the Government to advise Her Majesty to issue a Commission appointing Lords Justices during Her absence while on the short tour She was about to make. On a former occasion, previous to Her Majesty's visit to the King of the French, the law officers of the Crown of that time, the present Chief Baron and the late Sir William Follett, were consulted on this point, and they were clearly of opinion, after considering the subject with great deliberation, that it was by no means necessary in point of law that such appointment should take place; and he had then entirely concurred with them in opinion. The opinion of the present law officers of the Crown had also been taken on the subject, and they were entirely of the same opinion; and he also, on a review of the subject, concurred with them that in point of law the appointment of Lords Justices was not necessary. The question, therefore, resolved itself into one of expediency; and in the present state of the country, and with the facilities of communication at present existing, it was considered equally unnecessary and inex

learned Friend had doubtless examined the Commissions to which he had referred, he must be aware that they were all subject to restrictions; and if he had looked to those restrictions, he would have found that they pared down the authority in so many important particulars, that it was in reality rendered merely nominal; so that upon all important occasions, it would be necessary to have immediate and personal communication with the Sovereign. Considering, then, the altered state of circumstances— considering that the tour which Her Ma

pedient to issue such a Commission as his noble and learned Friend had adverted to. Her Majesty, as his noble and learned Friend had stated, had as free a right to visit the Continent as any of her subjects; and any act which She could do as Sovereign, would have as much validity and effect if done on the Continent of Europe as if done in Her own dominions. It should be borne in mind, too, that Her Majesty would be accompanied by a Secretary of State, and that she could return from the furthest point to which she was going in the short period of two days. It was, therefore, quite unnecessary that a Com-jesty was about to take, was circumscribed mission should be appointed to exercise the Royal authority during Her Majesty's absence. His noble and learned Friend had referred to precedents; but they did not appear to have any application to the present state of circumstances. In every instance to which his noble and learned Friend had adverted, the Sovereign went to the Continent for the purpose of residing for a considerable time.

Lord Campbell: It is stated in the Commissions that the absence from this country was to be for a short time.

The Lord Chancellor: Yes; in all the Commissions those words "short time," were introduced ; but it was matter of fact and matter of history, that on all the occasions to which his noble and learned Friend had referred, the intention of the Sovereign (and that intention was carried into execution) was to remain for some considerable period of time on the Continent, or to transact there some matter of business, either military or civil, which might have extended to a considerable period of time. Let their Lordships take into consideration the actual condition of the Continent at that time, and the means of communication then existing. Most of the cases to which his noble and learned Friend had referred were cases of the Sovereign going to Hanover, a journey which at that time might have occupied eight or ten days. It was therefore necessary, under these circumstances, that, as a matter of convenience, some power should have been given to persons in this country to exercise some of the functions of Royalty during the absence of the Sovereign. His noble and learned Friend had talked of the Royal authority being in abeyance during Her Majesty's absence, unless Lords Justices should be appointed by Commission; but, as his noble and

in its limits, and would last but for a short time--considering, too, that Her Majesty was to be accompanied by a Secretary of State; and that communication between Her Majesty and this country would be most easy, whenever it might be necessary, it had been thought quite unnecessary to appoint such a Commission as his noble and learned Friend had directed their Lordships' attention to. It was on these grounds, that it had not been thought necessary to advise Her Majesty to go through the form of appointing a cumbrous Commission, really for no practical purpose.

Lord Campbell said, that his noble and learned Friend had entirely passed over the precedent of George IV., in 1821.

The Lord Chancellor said, he had not passed it over. That was a visit of six or seven weeks, at a time when the communication with Hanover occupied eight or nine days, and perhaps ten.

Lord Campbell would not longer argue the question; but would only observe, that his noble and learned Friend had not cited one instance in favour of the course which the Government proposed to follow, and which introduced an innovation in the practice of the Constitution. Subject dropped. House adjourned.

HOUSE OF LORDS,
Friday, August 8, 1845.

MINUTES.] BILLS. Public.-3. Exchequer Bills; Con-
solidated Fund (Appropriation).
Received the Royal Assent.-Apprehension of Offenders;
Documentary Evidence; Granting of Leases; Outstand-
ing Terms; Fees (Criminal Proceedings); Real Property
(No. 2); Removal of Paupers; Borough and Watch
Rates; Games and Wagers; Merchant Seamen; Com-
mons' inclosure; County Rates; Lunatic Asylums and
Pauper Lunaties; Naval Medical Supplemental Fund So-
ciety; Taxing Masters, Court of Chancery (Ireland);

Fisheries (Ireland); Turnpike Roads (Ireland); Municipal He hoped, under these circumstances, the House would pass the Bill.

Districts, etc. (Ireland); Lunatic Asylums (Ireland); Slave
Trade (Brazil).

Private.-Received the Royal Assent.-London and Croy-
don Railway Enlargement; South Eastern Railway (Deal
Extension); Bolton and Leigh, Kenyon and Leigh
Junction, North Union, Liverpool and Manchester

and Grand Junction Railway Companies Amalgamation;
Brighton and Chichester Railway (Portsmouth Exten-
sion); Brighton, Lewes, and Hastings Railway (Hastings,

Rye, and Ashford Extension); Eastern Counties Railway

(Cambridge to Huntingdon); Grimsby Docks; Winchester College Estate; Marsh's (or Coxhead's) Estate; Earl of Powis's (or Robinson's) Estate; Sir Robert Keith widge's (or Fletcher's) Estate; Bowes' Estate; Birmingham Blue Coat School Charity Estate; Severne's Estate:

Dick's Estate; Follett's (or Molyneux's) Estate;

Lut

Duke of Bridgewater's Trustees' Estate (Archbishop of

York's): Sampson's Estate (Ward's); Marquess of Donegall's Estate; North Walsham School Estate (Lord Wodehouse's); Shuldham's Divorce; Boileau's Divorce.

PETITIONS PRESENTED. From Inhabitants of Kettering, in favour of the Field Gardens Bill.

HOUSE OF COMMONS,

Friday, August 8, 1845.

Bill read a third time and passed.

WASTE LANDS (AUSTRALIA).] Mr. G. W. Hope trusted that he would be permitted to move for leave to bring in the Bill relative to the Waste Lands of Australia, of which he had given notice. His only object in so doing was to have the Bill printed for circulation, in the form in which it was proposed to have it amended had it gone into Committee. He was anxious, by now bringing it in, to place it in its amended form before the House and the public.

Motion agreed to. Bill brought in, read a first time, and ordered to be printed.

NORTH AMERICAN BOUNDARY LINE.] Sir Howard Douglas, referring to the Papers recently laid before the House, explanatory of the proceedings of the Commission under the direction of LieuFor Linlithgowshire, v. Hon. (harles Hope, Governor of tenant Colonel Estcourt, engaged in laythe Isle of Man.-For Borough of Warwick, v. Siring down the Boundary Line, as estabCharles Douglas, Commissioner of Greenwich Hospital.lished by the Treaty of Washington, be

MINUTES.] NEW WRITS. For Belfast, v. Sir James Emerson Tennent, Chiltern Hundreds.-For Cirencester, v. William Cripps, Esq. Commissioner of the Treasury.

For Sunderland, v. Viscount Howick, now Earl Grey. BILLS. Public.-10. Poor Removal; Waste Lands (Aus

tralia) (No. 2).

3 and passed:-Silk Weavers.
Private.-Reported.-London and York Railway (Shef-
field Branch).

PETITIONS PRESENTED. By Sir H. Douglas, from Liver-
pool, for a Change of Policy towards New Zealand.-

By Mr. Hindley, from Ashford, against Charitable Trusts Bill.-By Mr. Hindley, from Factory Workers employed in several places, in favour of the Ten Hours System in

Factories.

tween the British Provinces of Canada and New Brunswick, and the United States, would take that oppportunity of expressing, in strong terms, the satisfaction. with which he had read those proofs of the ability, intelligence, and energy, displayed by Lieutenant Colonel Estcourt and his party, in exploring, cutting out, tracing on the ground, and determining, astronomically, the several portions and stations of SILK WEAVERS.] Sir G. Clerk, in a frontier, extending over no less than moving the Order of the Day for resum- 526 miles, in great part through the ing the Adjourned Debate on the Third virgin tangled forest; by which uncomReading of the Silk Weavers Bill, ob- mon exertions, and extraordinary actiserved, that the debate on this ques-vity, that important service had been so tion had been adjourned, as it seemed to be doubted whether silk weavers came properly under the Arbitration Act. There could be no doubt that they did, as the object of the Arbitration Act was to extend to the silk trade, the provisions of that Act. The object of this Bill, therefore, was to introduce some few amendments into the silk trade, which had been introduced into the hosiery trade. That a bargain and contract between master and workmen should be reduced to writing, and a copy kept by each. The Bill met with the approbation of all the workmen, and many of the principal masters. It would prevent the litigation formerly so prevalent between those parties.

far effectually executed, as to show that it would speedily be brought to completion; and thus evince the real economy of having provided that intelligent, scientific, and excellent officer, with a staff, and means of execution, sufficient to enable him to act with his well-known intelligence and vigour.

NEW ZEALAND.] Mr. J. A. Smith asked whether the right hon. Baronet had any objection to lay on the Table, before the House separated, the recent correspondence between the Colonial Office and the New Zealand Company? He trusted he might be permitted, to express the great satisfaction he felt that the term was

approaching to those very disagreeable discussions which had lately taken place between the Secretary for the Colonies and the Company. It was certainly true that the whole had not been obtained which the Company thought to be their right, and also to be essential to the good government of the Colony of New Zealand; but he could not forget that, after what had occurred, a certain degree of sacrifice on both sides was necessary, and he did hail with great satisfaction the tone and temper exhibited by the Colonial Office in these transactions; and he thought that that tone and temper were more important than the results themselves. He, therefore, begged to thank the Government for the part they had recently taken in this matter. He was exceedingly glad to find that, with the power with which the noble Lord at the head of the Colonial Office was armed, he had felt how graceful any concession must be coming from him. Before he sat down, he must advert to one point which had purposely been left by the Company till the close of these discussions-a point which was important to the Company here, and not without its importance to the prosperity of the Colony-he alluded to the application which had been made by the New Zealand Company for a loan of money from the Government on the security of their land. He was perfectly aware that the application must be considered by the Government on public grounds, and he was perfectly willing that it should be so considered; but, at the same time, he hoped the Government would state that the application should receive consideration without delay, and would also answer it without any greater delay than necessary. He thought the conduct of the New Zealand Company in this matter was a proof that their more immediate interests had been postponed to what they considered as more the interests of the public; and that would be an answer, he hoped, and the best answer, to the taunt that had been thrown out, as to a cross having taken place between the Government and the Company. He begged to add, that the success of this application was indispensable, to enable the Company to resume its operations as a colonizing body; and indispensable, in his opinion, to the harmonious working of the arrangement which had just taken place.

Sir R. Peel: I do not think it necessary for me to assure the House, that the recent harmonious understanding between the Colonial Office and the New Zealand Company, must have been to me a subject of great satisfaction; but I am bound to state, and I do thus publicly state, that whatever credit is due for these improved relations, must be given to my noble Friend. I said some time ago, that whatever might be the differences between my noble Friend and the New Zealand Company, it would be found that my noble Friend was not influenced by them. I am certain that my noble Friend's past conduct in this matter, was guided by public considerations; and I am certain that his future conduct will be guided by public considerations also. The correspondence that formerly took place between him and the New Zealand Company, would not, I was sure, have the slightest influence on his mind, or prevent him from dispassionately taking into view the whole circumstances of the case; and in all that I formerly said on this subject, I spoke with the entire concurrence of my noble Friend. For the purpose of conducting the late negotiations, a gentleman was nominated, who has not been mixed up with these transactions; and was, therefore, enabled to take a more dispassionate view of the whole case-[ allude to that most distinguished public officer, Mr. Lefevre. He was called on to assist my hon. Friend near me, the Under Secretary for the Colonies, in this negotiation; and he was employed by my noble Friend, in concert with my hon. Friend, to conduct the arrangement which has just been completed with the New Zealand Company. With respect to the general allusion which the hon. Gentleman who has just sat down made to the satisfactory conclusion of these negotiations, it confirms that which I stated from the first, that my noble Friend was acting, in all that he did, only on public grounds. With respect to the charge, that a "cross" had taken place between the Government and the New Zealand Company, I think that no man, who is acquainted with the respective parties, would imagine such a thing could be possible. No secret understanding of any kind has been entered into, on the part of the Government, with the New Zealand Company. If any such proposition had been made to my noble Friend, it would have met with an indig

1522 tion that had been contracted by the Crown. He (Sir R. Peel) understood that this gentleman, who was of the highest respectability, not only had interfered in au Orange procession, but had (being a magistrate and deputy lieutenant) signed, as chairman of a meeting, resolutions which stated that the time was come when Orange institutions ought to be reorganized. On this, bearing in mind the sentiments expressed in the Address of the House in 1837, and bearing in mind the reply of the Sovereign, that the whole power of the Government should be employed for the purpose of discouraging Orange societies, Her Majesty's Government had found it to be their painful duty, in fulfilling the assurances that had been given from the Throne, to acquaint Mr. Watson that he could no longer continue in the commission.

nant refusal. As to the application for a loan, the hon. Gentleman must excuse me if I decline to give him any definite answer. If he asks me, if the application shall receive the consideration of the Government, I have no difficulty in assuring him that the Government will give an early consideration to the subject; but the consideration of a thing by the Government, is generally understood to mean a favourable consideration. Now, I cannot say anything of that kind. The consideration that the Government will give to the subject, is not to be understood as being fettered in any way. Of course, nothing could be done without the consent of Parliament. If the Government came to the conclusion during the recess, that the loan ought to be granted, they could only give an assurance subject to the consent of Parliament; they could give no conclusive answer, unless with the concurrence of Parliament. The hon. Gentleman must excuse me, therefore, if I do not answer that question. The Government cannot be understood as being fettered in any way; at the same time, the hon. Gentleman must not draw any conclusion unfavourable to the application, from what I have stated.

Subject at an end.

THE DISMISSAL OF MR. WATSON.] Colonel Verner said, he should not be discharging his duty to the Protestants of Ulster, if he did not put a question to the right hon. Baronet, to know whether the report was true, as stated in the papers, that Mr. Watson had been deprived of the commission of the peace and the situation of a deputy lieutenant of the county of Antrim, in consequence of taking part in an Orange procession on the 12th of July last?

Sir R. Peel said, it was true that the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland had felt it to be his painful duty to remove Mr. Watson from the commission of the peace and the deputy lieutenancy. That report was correct. In 1837 (he thought it was) the House of Commons resolved to present an Address to King William IV., praying him to adopt all the necessary measures for the purpose of discouraging Orange societies. That Address was presented to the Sovereign, and a solemn promise was made by the Sovereign that every measure in his power for the purpose of discouraging Orange societies should be dopted. That was the obliga

Colonel Verner said, that as the answer of the right hon. Baronet was not satisfactory, he should move an Address to the Queen, on the subject of the removal of

Mr. Watson next Session.

notice of my intention merely to make SYRIA.] Viscount Palmerston: I gave some observations upon the affairs of Syria, believing that there would be some Motion before the House to which my observations might be appended; but as I now find that there is no Motion before the House, it is necessary for me to make a specific Motion, for the purpose of enabling the right hon. Gentleman to make such statements as he may deem proper; and, therefore, with the permission of the House, although I have not given notice of my intention to do so, I shall move that an humble Address be presented to Her Majesty for copies or extracts of correspondence relative to the affairs of Syria, in continuation of those already presented to the House. It is not my intention to occupy for any length of time the attention of the House; but, it is my wish, before Parliament separates, to draw the attention of the House and of the Government to two points which are embraced in the Papers that have been laid before us. The House is aware that when, in 1840 and 1841, the Allies thought it necessary to take steps to restore Syria to the direct authority of the Sultan, that part of Syria which is commonly called "The Mountain," which, in fact, consists of the highlands of Lebanon, was governed by the late Emir Beschir Shebab. He was

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