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their views with respect to the Corn Laws. would turn out not to be so satisfactory to His opinion was that, with bad harvests, the people of Ireland. The Government this country would be ten times worse should have consulted the Catholic bishops, without the Corn Law than with it. Were before they determined upon it; and be it not for the Corn Law, such a breadth of would take that occasion to tell them, that wheat would not be sown in the country as long as they allowed Trinity College to as was sown last year. He believed that remain in the enjoyment of a prosperity merchants had been purchasing home- connected with Protestant ascendancy, so grown corn under the operation of those long would the Irish people be discontented laws. In spite of the rain and the bad with any system of education which the weather, corn was not so dear as the hon. Government might devise, and so lang Gentleman would have wished. If the would a suspicion of the intentions of the views of the hon. Gentlemen had been Government be entertained by the Cathocarried out, the prospects of the coun- lics of Ireland. He had no doubt that the try would be ten times worse than at pre- Academic Bill had been conceived by the sent.

Government from the very best motives, Mr. Sheil said, that he was sure that and with the very best objects in view; the hon. Member for Wolverhampton most but he did not think that their intentions sincerely prayed that all the arguments in this respect had been as prosperous in which he could adduce in support of his their execution as they were beneficial in views, with respect to the Corn Laws, their original design. They were opposed, might not derive fearful corroboration as to that measure by the Catholic clergy from the calamities which would be in. of Ireland, and he was much afraid that flicted upon the country by a bad harvest. their opposition would continue. He would The right hon. Baronet at the head of the now say a few words only upon the RegisGovernment had been seconded in all his tration Bill, not so much for the purpose of efforts by a cycle of good harvests. He retrospective condemnation, as for the puragreed with hon. Gentlemen who asserted pose of suggesting the course which, in his that the Corn Laws were matters of para- opinion, the Government should in future mount importance. Ireland, although the adopt. The registry in Ireland had almost land of difficulty, should not entirely en disappeared. It was becoming “fine by gross the attention of the House. His degrees, and beautifully less. In the noble Friend commenced with Ireland, and county of Tipperary, with its large poputerminated with Ireland. That was not lation, the registry had fallen down to the unnatural, because Ireland was a subject small number of 4,000. In Waterford, which pressed upon every public man, an with a population of 150,000, the registry exclusive subject of consideration not un. did not exceed 500. And how had this frequently in the Cabinet ; and he was state of things been brought about? Why, sure that there was no subject which en- because the Government had kept the peogaged the solicitude of the right hon. Gen- ple in suspense on the subject ever since tleman opposite more than Ireland, which they had come into office. Men were did not now, however, present as pleasing careless or indifferent on account of this a prospect as he could desire to have of very suspense about the registry, because fered to his contemplation. He was not no man was sure that, after having placed at that late hour of the night going into himself upon it, his vote would remain all the topics which had been adverted to upon the registry. These were great evils, by his noble Friend. But there was a and if the right hon. Baronet told his measure of the Government to which he friends before he came into office, to “refelt it his duty to advert, and it did the gister, register, register,” he must say that greatest credit to the Government that he should give them-his political antagothey passed it, and he trusted that they nists—the opportunity of applying also that would make it a model measure. It was a great instrument, of the effects of which measure which Her Majesty's Government the right hon. Baronet had had, so far as might take as a pattern by which their fu- he himself was concerned, so favourable an ture legislation in respect to Ireland should experience. It was intimated that the obbe regulated. It was a measure valuable ject of the Bill in contemplation would be in itself

, and more so in view of the results to put the two countries upon a footing of to which it was likely to lead. With re- equality. Did that mean that the Govern spect to their measure for academic instruc- ment had it in contemplation to restore tion, he did not set the same value upon it the 40s. franchise in fee? They contem as he did upon the Maynooth Bill. It I plated formerly a 51. franchise ; that was a

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part of their former project. Such a fran- | they would do nothing but introduce fresh chise did not exist here. He did not want elements of confusion, which would assua restoration of the 40s. freehold for life in redly add to the calamities of Ireland. He Ireland, for that was impracticable. What took the liberty of making these suggeshe wished to see established was a 40s. tions, with a view to the proper fashioning freehold in fee. If they were ready to give of the Bill, which the Government had it the Irish a franchise, embracing 51. in fee, in contemplation, as it appeared, to introwhy not, on the same principle, give them duce next Session. Ireland had reason to one embracing a 40s. freehold in fee? expect much from the Government, for Suppose a man had land worth 40s. for they had made announcements with reever, and built a house upon that land, spect to the government of Ireland of the why should not that man have a vote? By most important character. Indeed there giving such a franchise to Ireland, all the were acknowledgments, if not promises, difficulties which arose from the 40s. free- made by the right hon. Baronet ihe First hold, as it formerly existed, would be set Lord of the Treasury, which might be reat rest. The Chandos Clause was to be garded as great political events. He had deprecated. If they gave the tenant at declared that it was of the utmost imporwill a vote, the tenant would, in times of tance to conciliate Ireland—that Ireland tranquillity, be the mere slave and tool of could not be governed by force—and that the landlord ; and in times of insurrection in Ireland the efficacy of the trial by jury and disturbance, he would be found a was not to be relied upon. These declarafitting instrument for increasing con- tions on the part of the right hon. Baronet fusion and perpetrating strife. They had be regarded as equivalent to measures, beit in their power to induce the landlords cause they were declarations which must to make leases, by depriving the land- be followed up. How were they to be follords who did not of a variety of ad- lowed up? He thought that it was a great vantages which he now enjoyed in the misfortune to the present Government, and enforcement of rent. He believed that one of the chief sources, perhaps, of their there was at time an intention, difficulties, that eight millions of the people on the part of the Commissioners, who of Ireland were entirely beyond the pale investigated into the relations subsisting of the patronage of the Crown. between landlords and tenants in Ireland, ronage of the Church, and the patronage to recommend that the landlords be com- of the State, did not exercise any great pelled to make leases. This they after- influence over the great mass of the people wards abandoned, thinking that it would of Ireland -600,0001. of the public probe too great an infringement of the rights perty circulated amongst the Protestant of property. If they took away the power ecclesiastics of the country. The patronof distress from the landlord —if they re- age of the State was monopolized by the quired him to give one or two years to quit same class as monopolized the patronage —if they made him liable to account with of the Church. That was not the case his tenant, when improvements had been under the predecessors in office of Her made upon his property, they would there- Majesty's present advisers. The patronage by embarrass tenancy at will to such an of the State was then distributed between cxtent, that they would hold out the Catholics and Protestants. Under the strongest inducements to the landlord to former Government they had a Catholic grant leases. Almost all the evils of Ire- Chief Baron, a Catholic Master of the land arose from the one source of insecurity Rolls, a Catholic Attorney and Solicitor of tenure. He thought that to destroy | General, a Catholic Vice President of the this source by having leases granted for Board of Trade--they had Catholic Lords thirty-one years, would remedy half the of the Treasury-and several of the great evils to which the country was now sub- offices in Ireland were filled by Catholics. ject. If leases for thirty-one years were | In addition to this, the minor patronage of adopted, the tenant would have the ad- the Crown in Ireland was widely diffused vantage of the capital, which he employ in improvements, for a might between the adherents of the two creeds

, reasonable time, at the expiration

and and produced a signally beneficial operation upon

the country. But what was ihe case period there need be no account landlord, much good would result

He did not find they adopted instead, the system

that a single individual, with the exception mended and proposed by Lord

of his learned Friend Mr. Sergeant Howley, + VOL. LXXXII. (Sericos

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a man of the highest merit, with this ex-, difficulties to encounter in carrying the ception, he did not find that a single Ro-measure-which he would not, on the man Catholic had in Ireland been promoted whole, call a small one, but which, he cos. to a situation of importance. An office attended, might and should have been made the disposal of Government, connected with much larger-than they experienced with the Board of Bequests, had been given to a it in its present shape. The right hou, Catholic, it was true; but that could scarcely Baronet was conscious of all the difficulties be adduced as an exception to his charge. with which he was beset ; he ought also to He now called upon the Government to be aware of the many and great advantages fulfil the engagements into which they en- with which he was surrounded. In addi. tered when they came into office-those tion to the power which he could command engagements which they solemnly con- upon other points, he possessed great power tracted when they said that between the upon Irish questions, from the assistance Protestant and Catholic an equality should and sustainment which he received from be maintained. Indeed, he believed that hon. Gentlemen on that (the Opposition) he was not misrepresenting the language side of the House. He must also be aware of the right hon. Baronet opposite, when of the circumstances which conspired to he reminded the House that the right hon. make him almost, as to these questions, Baronet said, that if a Catholic and a Pro- omnipotent. Let him remember how the testant were candidates for the same office Catholic question was carried. It was in Ireland, he would prefer the Catholic. carried by the impracticability of forming How had that declaration been carried out? what was then called a Protestant Cabinet. It was to but a very small body of the Irish In this respect the right hon. Gentleman people that their patronage extended. He was now in a similar situation to that in defied the right hon. Gentleman to contend which the Government was placed in 1829. that his declaration had been carried out; If he had determined to bring forward a for the whole practice of the present Go- larger measure of conciliation, and his vernment with regard to State patronage party had abandoned him in so doing, and in Ireland had been in direct opposition to he and the right hon. Baronet the Secreit. Reference had been made to the ec- tary for the Home Department had resigned clesiastical institutions of the country. office together upon the subject, he (Mr. He lamented the decision to which the Sheil) believed that it would have been right hon. Baronet the Home Secretary found impossible to form a Government on had come with respect to the Established the principle opposed to that upon which Church in Ireland. Any man who looked the right hon. Gentleman had retired. at Ireland at the present moment, and saw That was their great source of strength, and the agitation, which had not yet subsided they should have boldly and manfully acted

- the monster meetings, which were but upon it. Not long ago the right hon. the symptoms of the distemper, had ce sed Gentleman said that there was no sacrifice it was true, but the distemper itself was as which he was not prepared to make for virulent and active as ever-must most | Ireland, with a view to confer peace and deeply lament the declaration of the right tranquillity upon that distracted country. hon. Gentleman. He said nothing, how- He (Mr. Sheil) wanted no sacrifice of prinever, on the important point of the conci- ciple on the part of the right hon. Gentleliation of the Catholic clergy. He (Mr. man-he would exact no self-immolation Sheil) thought that there were means, from him. All that he wanted at the right which might be readily adopted, by which hon. Baronet's hands was justice to Trethe State might expend money for the land, in its broad and legitimate sense, and purposes of the Church, and yet preserve that he should, in measuring out that justhe independence of the clergy. He saw tice to her, introduce measures to Parliano difficulty in the Government granting ment of which the failure would not be money for the purpose of building churches, discreditable, and of which the success for purchasing glebes, and erecting glebe would be attended with the most beneficial houses, por did he see any in giving proper results. dignity and rank to the Catholic clergy. Motion agreed to. It was deeply to be deplored that the Government, when engaged with the May. TOBACCO TRADE.] Mr. Sheridan called wooth measure, did not make it larger the attention of the House to the petition of than it was. They would not then bave Richard and James Keynes, grocers of found that they would have had any more Shaftesbury, which had been priuted, and

advertised, the circumstances of which they complained. It appeared that these persons, in prosecuting their regular trade, PETITIONS PRESENTED. From Stratford-on-Avon, against

received a cask of tobacco which was regularly invoiced to them, and which had not been in their possession half an hour before it was seized by the Excise Officers, upon the plea that the tobacco was adulterated. The Report of the Committee on the tobacco trade, had shown the extreme difficulty that existed on the part of the most scientific and expert chemists to detect adulteration in tobacco; he thought, therefore, that this was a hard case, and he would move for a Select Committee to inquire into the subject.

Mr. Cardwell observed that the person from whom the petitioners had received the tobacco had been recently proceeded against by the Excise, and incurred heavy penalties. The suspicions of the Excise were, consequently, excited, and they made the seizure. They continued to be of opinion that the tobacco was adulterated. Not, however, suspecting any fraud on the part of the petitioner, they gave notice that it was not their intention to proceed for penalties, but that they could not allow it to be sold as genuine tobacco, and therefore should proceed for its condemnation. The petitioners had, therefore, everything that was necessary for the vindication of their character. As to the analysis, the difficulty of proof rested with the Excise. The officers of revenue had done precisely that which was their duty-they had prevented adulterated tobacco being innocently sold as genuine tobacco, and the petitioners had received every reparation which their character could require in being exonerated from the penalties.

Mr. Hume thought the proceedings in this case, as in all connected with tobacco, were most disgraceful, and such as could not take place in any other country. Persons whose families had been in the business for centuries were preparing to leave it, because an honest man found it utterly impossible to carry it on with any profit. The only remedy to be applied was a large reduction of the duty.

Motion withdrawn.

3. and passed :-Turnpike Roads (Ireland); Municipal Districts, etc. (Ireland); Naval Medical Supplemental Fund Society; Fees (Criminal Proceedings).

Beer Houses, and for Restricting the Sale of Beer to Inns and Houses of Respectability.-From Members of the Society for the Emancipation of Industry, for a Committee to Inquire into the Effect of the existing Circulating Medium on the Wages of Labour.

HER MAJESTY'S VISIT TO GERMANY.] Lord Campbell: I rise to put a question of great constitutional importance, of which I have given notice, to my noble and learned Friend on the Woolsack, connected with Her Majesty's approaching visit to Germany. No one in Her Majesty's dominions would wish to interpose any impediment in the way of that visit. There is no longer any foundation for the jealousy which induced Parliament to provide, by the Act of Settlement, that the Sovereign should not leave the kingdom without the consent of both Houses: we have upon the Throne a Queen born and bred in England, and fortunately without any foreign dominions which do not belong to the British Crown; nor is there now any reason to dread the meetings of Sovereigns, which it was formerly said, with too much truth, boded no good to their subjects. At the present day such meetings may have a strong tendency to preserve the tranquillity of Europe. It is perhaps to be regretted that George III., during a very long life and very long reign, was never out of England, nor indeed more than one hundred miles from the place of his birth; if he had visited the flourishing provinces on the banks of the Rhine, which Her Majesty is said to be going to survey, and had seen how harmoniously and happily men of different religions there. live with equal rights under the same Government, he might have been less adverse to the emancipation of his Roman Catholic subjects. No one, therefore, can feel regret that Her Majesty, if she so wills, should for a short time be absent from England. If circumstances had permitted, I should have rejoiced could the Irish have had the high satisfaction which my countrymen have twice

House adjourned at half past one o'clock, enjoyed, of seeing their beloved Sovereign till Friday.

HOUSE OF LORDS,

Thursday, August 7, 1845.

MINUTES.] BILLS. Public.-2. Exchequer Bills; Consolidated Fund (Appropriation).

among them. I do not presume to offer any opinion as to the expediency of deferring this visit, although I cannot doubt that Her Majesty would now be received in Ireland with universal affection and reverence, whatever diversity of opinion there may be respecting the conduct

of Her Ministers. But the subject of myl But this was immediately repealed on the question is the exercise of the royal au-accession of George I., the Statute I thority during Her Majesty's absence. It Geo. 1. c. 51, recitinghas been declared by Parliament to be

“That it is agreeable to the ancient Cop. part of the privileges belonging to the stitution of these kingdoms, that the person of Crown by the Common Law, that our the King or Queen should freely enjoy all and Sovereigos may leave the realm at their every the just and undoubted righis, liberties, pleasure ; but, as far as I am aware, the and privileges of the Crown." invariable practice has been, that on going Among which must be considered the abroad they have provided for the exer-power of leaving the realm at pleasure. cise of the royal authority during their George I. exercised this right in 1716, and absence. In the early reigns, the great intimated his intention of going abroad officers called the “Grand Justiciary" in his Speech at the close of the Sessioo. acted as Regent. When that office was He said abolished, a Regent or Lords Justices were named by the Sovereign on each particular

“I design in the approaching recess to visit

my occasion. But I come to the times subse- vided for the peace and security of the king.

dominions in Germany, and I have proquent to the Revolution. King Edward dom during my absence by constituting my VI., Queen Mary, Queen Elizabeth, King beloved son the Prince of Wales guardian of James I., King Charles I., King Charles II.,) the realm.” and King James II., till after his expul- There afterwards arose an unfortunate sion, never were absent from England from misunderstanding between the Prince of the time when they mounted the Throne. Wales and the King, and on subsequent But after the Revolution, down to the occasions the Prince was not so appointed, reign of George III., cases of the absence but the King always nominated Lords of the Sovereign were frequent. King Justices. In 1719, George I. being about William III., as is well known, went abroad again to visit Germany, a Commission was yearly to fight his campaigns, and to carry issued under the Great Seal, by which on his negotiations. While his Consort thirteen Lords Justices were appointed, Queen Mary lived she acted in his ab and the King made a declaration to the sence as Regent ; for although she was following effect in the Privy Council :Queen Regent, yet the Act of Parliament passed at the Revolution prevented her “ May 9, 1719.-His Majesty in Council taking any share in the Government. this day declaring bis intention of going After her death he yearly appointed Lords

out of the kingdom for a short time, was Justices, the Archbishop of Canterbury, Commission for the administration of the Go

pleased to approve of the annexed draft of a and the Lord Chancellor being placed at vernment during His Majesty's absence. It is the head of the Commission, and the ordered by His Majesty in Council that one Princess Anne of Denmark, though the of His Majesty's Principal Secretaries of State heiress to the Crown, not being included do prepare a warrant for llis Majesty's royal in it. The Session of Parliament was signature, in order to the passing of the said then brought to a conclusion in the spring, Commission under the Great Seal of Great

Britain." and the King generally announced his intentions in the following form:

Another declaration a little varying from “The circumstances of affairs making it

this, occurs in 1723 :necessary for me to be out of the kingdom “May 26.-His Majesty in Council this for some time, I shall take care to leave the day declaring his intention of going out of the administration of the Government, during my kingdom for a short time, was pleased to noabsence, in the hands of such persons as I minate the Archbishop of Canterbury. &c., 10 can depend upon."

be Lords Justices for the administration of the

Government during his absence and Com. The prospect of the family of Hanover

mission ordered.” possessed of foreign dominions-succeeding, induced the introduction of the clause On the accession of George II., as long into the Act of Settlement to which I al as Queen Caroline lived, on the King luded:

going abroad, she was left Regent. I

give, as an instance, the entry in the “That no person who shall hereafter come

Privy Council books, May 16, 1735:to the possession of this Crown, shall go out of the dominions of England, Scotland, or “His Majesty in Council was this day Ireland, without consent of Parliament." pleased to declare that he intended to visit

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