uneasiness on the part of the Porte, or the influence in Greece. Quite the contrary : friends of the Porie, is really not the fact. on every occasion which has arisen, there I have given such an opinion as I thought has been proof that it existed quite as I was called upon to give to the Greek much as we could possibly desire. But, I Government respecting this person, and repeat, it has been the curse of that counother matters connected with the state of try, that parties there have endeavoured to the frontier ; but I do not think it neces- create what is called an English party and sary to state to the noble Lord what these a French party,or a Russian party; and that opinions are, or what the result has been. they have not thought only of a Greek party, I have taken, and shall continue to take, for that is the only party we ought all to all such measures as I think prudent and unite in supporting. And the Governlikely to be useful in establishing the tran. ments do not entertain any such different quillity of Greece ; because, after all, it is views of the matter: the whole arises from impossible to conceive that any Govern- the over zeal of persons on the spot, and a ment- be it a Government of the worst morbid desire of popularity and of med. Ministers possible-should have any interest dling with the affairs of the country. My in promoting a state of confusion, anarchy, Lords, I must decline to state more partiand disorder. They may take erroneous cularly the nature of the advice which I means to arrive at the pacification of the have thought it my duty, on the part of country, but that must be their object at Her Majesty's Government, to give to the last ; and, on the part of Her Majesty's Greek Government; but I have before Government, I undertake to say, that all said that, from the situation in which we such counsels will be given as seem likely are placed in relation to Greece, I consider to contribute to that result. The noble that we are fully justified in that sort of Lord has said something about English interference which we believe to be neces. influence at Athens no longer existing, and sary for the purposes to which I have that French influence is predominant. I alluded. am quite surprised that the noble Lord, Lord Beaumont thought the speech of who knows something of the East himself, the noble Lord was more satisfactory than should be carried away by these absurd that which he had before delivered on the statements. Supposing it is admitted that same subject; and he hoped the consethe Greek Minister is connected intimately quence would be a happier result, which with the French Minister, and acts by his he confidently anticipated from the firm advice, what can he do? How can he tone which the noble Lord had assumed. affect English interests? We have our Treaty with Greece, and that Trealy gives COAL TRADE (Port of London) BILL) us all the advantages which any State can The Earl of Dalhousie moved the Second possess; and is it possible that the Greek Reading of this Bill. Minister could hurt a hair of the head of The Marquess of Londonderry could not a British subject, without the most signal allow the Bill to pass without expressing redress being executed ? Wbat is the his opinion on the subject. Coal was almeaning of this influence which is spoken most the only article imported into the of? I say, that influence depends on the port of London that was so grievously acknowledged power and disinterestedness taxed. In 1840, the city of London gave of this Government; that it reposes also on up the coal tax to the Government. The the character of the people with whom they annual revenue in that year was 125.000L. ; have to deal--the wealth, the probity, and in 1841, it increased by 20,0001.; in 1842, by activity of our merchants. And do not ten | 10,000/.; and in 1843, by 5,000l. ; in 1844, Englishmen go to Greece for one native of there was a strike amongst the colliers, and any other State? It is our own fault, then, the revenue decreased by 3,500%. For the if they do not derive from their experience half of the present year, however, it had inof English travellers a better opinion of us creased so as to make the average 165,0001. than of any other nation. These are the from the present tax. As there had been real sources of influence; and I defy M. so great an increase, and as it was likely to Coletti or the French Government either, continue, he wanted to know why it was if they wished it, to weaken or destroy necessary to put a tax of an additional English influence in Greece in the only penny on this necessary of life? and why, way in which it ought to exist, or in which too, coals alone were to be taxed for metrowe ought to desire it to exist. I have not politan improvements? He contended that found the slightest diminution of English the noble Earl who had brought the matter & forward in the other House, knew nothing of the subject, and that the tax fell upon the coalowner, and not upon the poor or the consumer. The trade was already unjustifiably oppressed; and in a future Session some relief must be given, or extensive ruin would ensue. The Marquess of Westminster supported the Bill, and thought the proposed improvements in London and its vicinity, effected by means of it, would, on the whole, be highly beneficial. After a few words from the Earl of Dalhousie, and an explanation from the Marquess of Londonderry, Bill read 2a. House adjourned. 3. and passed:-Valuation (Ireland); Turnpike Roads (Ireland). Private.-10. Earl of Powis's (or Robinson's) Estate. 3o and passed:-White's Charity Estate; Rochdale Vicarage (or Molesworth's) Estate. PETITIONS PRESENTED. By Sir R. H. Inglis, from Proprietors of the Midland Railway, for Better Observance of the Lord's Day.-By Mr. W. Gladstone, from Charles Miller, for Amendment of Law relating to the Rating of Tithes.-By F. Scott, from Port Phillip, for Separation of that District from Government of New South Wales. -By Mr. M. J. O'Connell, from several places, for Repeal of Charitable Donations and Bequests (Ireland) Act. -By Mr. Hawes, from Talybout, and Amlwch, for Establishment of County Courts.-By Mr. Wyse, from Charles Byrne, for Inquiry.-By Mr. Wyse, from several places, for Encouragement to Mechanics' Institute (Ircland). CEYLON.] Mr. Tufnell wished to put a few questions on the subject of Ceylon to the Under Secretary of the Colonies, in consequence of the numerous representations that had been made to him, since the debate of Friday last, from the friends and connexions of the civil servants of that Colony; amongst whom the conduct of the Government had produced the greatest anxiety. He asked, first, at what period the six months were to commence, during which the civil servants were to make their election, either to retain their offices or their lands? Whether the term of two years for the disposal of the landed property was definitely settled? And, lastly, which was of the greatest importance, whether civil servants might be allowed to retain their lands, provided they gave up the active management. He hoped that he should receive a definitive answer upon these points; and that, after what had already passed, as little as possible would be left to the discretion of the Governor of that Colony. Mr. G. W. Hope said, that the civil servants of the Government, in Ceylon, would be afforded the fullest information without delay; and they should have had that sooner but the Governor was obliged to wait until he obtained some detailed information from England. The time of election had been extended from six months to a year, and the time allowed for the disposal of property was fixed at two years. With regard to the third and most important question put by the hon. Member (as it was necessary to wait for some information from Ceylon) still he thought an arrangement might be made which would prove satisfactory to the civil servants. He was happy to add that the dissatisfaction which prevailed at the first issuing of the Minute had much diminished. Mr. Tufnell felt great satisfaction at hearing the answer of the hon. Gentleman, and he had only to add that he hoped as little as possible would be left to the discretion of the Governor of Ceylon. Mr. Hope said, he had reason to believe that the dissatisfaction which had been expressed in Ceylon had, in a great degree, subsided. SLAVE TRADE-BRAZILS.] Sir Robert Peel moved the Order of the Day for receiving the Report of the Slave Trade Brazils Bill. Mr. M. Gibson wished to make one or two remarks before this stage of the Bill had passed; and in addition to these, het was desirous of putting a question to the right hon. Baronet at the head of the Government with respect to the Bill. He had given the measure the fullest consideration, and he had looked to the opinions of those who were competent judges, and he was unable as yet to regard the measure in a favourable light, in any point of view in which he regarded it. It appeared to him very questionable whether, according to international law, they could make the provisions of the Bill binding on Brazilian subjects; and if it were, he did not think that it was calculated to assist the course of policy which we were desirous of carrying out with respect to the Slave Trade. It seemed to him to be a dangerous doctrine to set up proclamations instead of law. It The appeared to him to be a dangerous doctrine | titled to see the communication or remonto make the dictum of the Executive Go-strance, and that it should be laid before vernment-of the temporary advisers of Parliament. He thought that as they were the Crown-equivalent to the effect of law; called upon to share in the responsibility and he did not think that the subjects of of the Executive, the Executive Governanother country ought by such a dictum to ment should place the louse in the same be dealt with and punished for a crime position in which they stood themselves which the law and tribunals of their own and should have a full opportunity of judgcountry had not declared to be a crime. ing both of the law and the policy of this There was no law in the Brazils which measure. He would ask the right hon. declared the Slave Trade to be piracy, and Baronet, then, if a remonstrance had been the Government of this country knew that received, and, if it had, whether he could there was no such law. How then could lay it on the Table of the House? If it we consistently pass an Act, the object of was received, why should they not delay which was to punish Brazilian subjects to this measure till they had printed this a degree to which they would not be pun remonstrance or communication ? ishable in their own country, and for an Report was brought up on Monday last, offence which the laws of their own country and the matter was postponed till this day, had not declared that they ought to be and he was not chargeable with that delay. so punished. Another question arose which He did think that they should not be it was most desirable to have answered by acting properly, and that they should not the Government before they passed this be doing what was required, if they acted Bill, namely, whether we had power to without the fullest information. He would inflict punishment upon Brazilian subjects conclude by requesting Her Majesty's Gofor an offence against our laws, they hav- vernment to inform them whether they had ing no such law; and he confessed himself received that information. to be still at a loss to understand the ex- Sir R. Peel thanked the hon. Member planation which the Attorney General had for liaving given him an intimation of his given on the last occasion when this subject intention to ask this question. He was was before the House. The policy of such quite confident that the hon. Member a course as this appeared to him to be fatal would not take advantage of the late period to a good understanding with Brazil, and of the Session to defeat this measure. It to be quite opposed to the object with which was true that he postponed the Bill on a it was introduced, of inducing in the public former occasion, in order to have an opporopinion of Brazil an opposition to the Slave tunity of maturely weighing a suggestion Trade, and a desire for its abolition, as it of an hon. Member, by whom no sug. was rather calculated to excite hostility in gestion could be made which would not Brazil to our exertions, and become dan- be worthy of attention. He had postponed gerous to the interests of British subjects the Bill till that day in order to have and to British trade in the Brazils. It ap- an opportunity of further deliberation, peared to him also that it was calculated to and having the opinion of the highest auprevent the co-operation of Brazilian sub- thority upon the subject; and he hoped jects in our exertions, which co-operation, that the delay caused in that manner would it would seem from Papers that had been not prejudice the measure at this period of laid on the Table of the House, might have the Session. He could assure the hon. otherwise been expected, as measures were Gentleman that he had given the most in progress in Brazil to put an end effectu- mature consideration to the Bill; and that, ally to the Slave Trade. That was an having, in addition to that, taken the additional reason why they should have opinion of the highest authority on the abstained from a measure of such bad policy subject, his opinion remained unaltered as this, and he therefore felt it his duty to with respect to it. According to the enter his protest against the measure. He opinion of that authority to which he had begged now to make the inquiries of which referred, under the First Article of the he gave notice. He wished to know whe- Convention of 1826, the Sovereign of this ther the Brazilian Minister in this country country might consider the carrying on of had addressed to Her Majesty's Govern the Slave Trade, on the part of Brazilian ment any remonstrance or communication subjects, an act of piracy. The First Arrelative to this Bill? If such a communi-ticle of that Convention was to the effect, cation had been received by the Govern- that after the expiration of three years, to ment, he thought that the House was en- be reckoned from the exchange of the rati a fications of the Convention between the , Brazils passed no law to make the carrying two nations, it should not be lawful for on of the Slave Trade by Brazilian subany subject of the Emperor of the Brazils jects piracy, Great Britain had no right to be concerned in carrying on the African to interfere with them. [Mr. M. Gibson : Slave Trade, under any pretext, or in any I said, no right to pass an Act of this kind.] manner whatsoever ; and that carrying on Of what kind ? The Government of the the Slave Trade after that period, on the Brazils had avowed the fact which this part of subjects of His Brazilian Majesty country maintained, that carrying on the should be deemed piracy, and treated as Slave Trade was piracy, and had entered such. There was not in that Convention into a solemn engagement that all its subany obligation on Brazil to pass a munici-jects who were found carrying on the Slave pal law to make the offence of carrying on | Trade should be held guilty of piracy. If the Slave Trade piracy. Carrying on the that was not the mode of effecting the Slave Trade could not be piracy by inter- recognition of the Slave Trade as piracy, national law, as they would see, if they what other mode would they adopt? He recollected that this country had carried relied on the common sense of the House on the Slave Trade at no very remote pe. in supporting him in the statement, that riod. The simple act of carrying on the unless this country took cognizance, in Slave Trade was not, therefore, piracy by some way or another, of the carrying on international law; but the carrying on of of the Slave Trade by the subjects of the the Slave Trade had been made by various Brazils, the stipulation would be of no use. other countries piracy under municipal Piracy was not a crime merely against law, when that trade was carried on by municipal law; and the hon. Member, of the subjects of the country so passing the course, knew that, by international law, law; and the United States was the first piracy was punishable by all nations; and of those countries to which the honour of when a country, in a Convention, declares passing that law belonged. The United an act to be piracy, it gives not to all States passed a law in 1824, by which the countries, but to that particular country Slave Trade was declared piracy, and the with which it formed the Convention, in subjects of the United States rendered which such declaration was contained, a liable to the punishment of piracy under power to deal with the act so described as the municipal law of that country. Thus, , an act of piracy. If this country were the countries which had so made the Slave prepared to take no measure in relation to Trade piracy, under their municipal law, the Convention, it was quite clear that the had the power to punish their own sub- Slave Trade might be carried on to an jects for carrying on that trade; and at unlimited extent under the Brazilian flag; that time a new description of piracy was and, according to the hon. Gentleman's created between the United States and opinion, this country would have no power Great Britain. Under the Convention to interfere. It was impossible to say to with the Brazils in 1826, this country had what extent the abominable crime of slave a right to take cognizance of the carrying trading might be carried on, if Parliament on of the Slave Trade by Brazilian subjects separated without establishing a power to subsequent to the year 1830 ; for under prevent it. He would now refer to the that Convention Brazil declared it to be view which the Government of the Brazils piracy on the part of the subjects of the took of the power of this country to recogBrazilian Government. By the Conven- nize slave trading on the part of the Bration of 1817 with the Brazils, a mutual | zils. In the year 1829, the Brazilian Right of Search was agreed to; and whilst Minister applied to this country to do away that was in force, it suspended the Article with the Courts of Mixed Commission in the Convention of 1826; but by the which were constituted under the Convenabrogation of the Convention of 1817 in tion of 1817. He made this request on 1845, the Article in the Convention of grounds of considerable importance to this 1826 was brought into full force, and re- question. On the 4th of October, 1830, mains now in full force, between this the Chevalier De Mattos, then the Bracountry and the Brazils, the Brazilian sub zilian Minister in this country, addressed jects who carry on the Slave Trade being, the following letter to the Secretary for by that Article, declared guilty of piracy. Foreign Affairs :The hon. Gentleman said, that the Brazils “ Wimpole-street, October 4, 1830. had passed no law to make it piracy, and “ The Slave Trade on the coast of Africa inferred, therefore, that so long as the being totally forbidden to Brazilian subjects a from the 13th of March last, and those who , for settling the affairs on the coast of Africa, shall hereafter engage in it being liable to which are still pending, relating to the lawful punishment, in virtue of the stipulations of traffic in slaves, the said Chargé d'Affaires ihe Treaty of the 23rd of November, 1826, by has obtained, by a note of the 16th of Septemthe ordinary tribunals of the two high con ber last, from the competent Minister and tracting parties, the Undersigned, &c., has Secretary of State, the Earl of Aberdeen, ihe been directed by his Government to concert assurance that the British Government was with that of the King the dissolution of the about to issue instructions to the commanders Mixed Commissions established at Sierra Le- of naval forces, and to the respective authori. one and Rio de Janeiro, now entirely super- ties, informing them that the Slave Trade, conAuous. In consequence of which, the Under- formably to the agreements existing between signed has the honour to request his Excellency Great Britain and Brazil, shall be lawfully the Earl of Aberdeen, &c., to be pleased to continued by the subjects of this Empire on take the proper measures for carrying the the coast of Africa, until the 13th of March, above resolution into effect, with regard to 1830 ; and, consequently, that those Brazilian the Commission at Rio de Janeiro, at the end vessels, employed in that traffic, which can of the next month of December; and in re prove that they have finally left the coast of spect of the other, on the 301h of June, 1831, Africa on or before that period, shall prosecute the term at which all the causes pending in and finish their bona fide voyages direct from the Commision of Sierra Leone must be com- Africa to any port in the Brazils, without inpletely decided. The Undersigned avails curring the liability of being treated as pirates, himself, &c. according to the Convention, notwithstanding “ The Chevalier DE MATTOS. their being met with at sea after the said “ His Excellency the Earl of Aberdeen, &c.” period of the 13th of March, 1830. His Ma. England had already provided that her jesty the Emperor ordains, that this notice be communicated by the said Secretary of State's subjects engaging in this trade should be Office for Foreign Affairs to the Assembly of treated as pirates, and be tried by the mu- Commerce, Agriculture, &c., in order to give nicipal law. This letter of the Chevalier, it due publicity. therefore, only amounted to a statement Marquis of ARACATY, that Brazilian subjects were then placed in “ Rio Janeiro, November 4, 1829." the same position ; and the words of the Chevalier," by the ordinary tribunals of This was sufficient proof that the Bra. the two contracting Powers," directly | zilian Government knew that their ves. implied that the Brazilian Government sels were liable to be treated as pirates if thought it unnecessary then to keep up the found at sea after the 13th of March, Mixed Commission Courts, because the 1830. The construction put on the Conordinary Courts of Admiralty were sufficient. vention by the British Parliament was The Brazilian Government also asked that precisely similar. The power of the Vice slave ships of theirs, which might have Admiralty Courts over such acts of piracy left the coast of Africa, and were not aware had been superseded by the Courts of that the Convention had been executed, Mixed Commission, and this Bill con. should be exempted from its operation. tained a clause to remove any restriction a The English Government, although averse of the jurisdiction of the Vice Admiralıy to allow the Slave Trade to continue one Couris by the Convention; it gave to the hour longer than was necessary, consented Vice Admiralty Courts that power which that vessels which had quitted the coast of Lord Stowell was of opinion they ought Africa before the 13th of March, 1830, not to have in cases of piracy, and it also should be allowed to proceed to any port declared they were to have that power. in the Brazils without being subject to be They did not ask for any unnecessary treated as pirates on their way. On the power--they merely declared a power to 4th of November, 1829, the Brazilian deal with property, not to deal criminally Government published a Proclamation in those cases with Brazilian subjects, stating the result. It ran thus : and there was, he could assure the hon, “Notice to the Assembly of Commerce, Agri- Member, nothing inconsistent with the culture, Manufacturers, and Navigation of law of nations in the Bill as it stood. The the Empire of the Brazils, by a Portaria of choice was, in fact, between treating the the following tenure : Slave Trade, carried on by the Brazilians, “The Chargé d'Affaires of this Empire, near as piracy, or permitting the Brazilian Slave the Government of His Britannic Majesty, Trade io be carried on to an unlimited having succeeded in the measures which had been most earnestly recommended 10 bin by extent, or the Brazilian flag from being this Secretary of State's Office for Foreign used by others for the purpose of carryAffairs, in order to obtain a reasonable term ling on the Slave Trade.' He should have |