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have been almost wholly devoted to agriculture and stock-raising; but the time cannot be distant, when they will see it to be for their interest to manufacture largely for themselves. In the matter of raw material, their position is not inferior to that of New England; while their rich heritage of fuel—the great motive-power-gives them a decided advantage over that region of primitive rock. To counterbalance this, the North-eastern States have their trained and skilful artisans, and all the facility which comes from the concentration of industrial pursuits and from a long-established and well-conducted business. For the West to reach even these conditions is plainly and simply a question of time; and the sooner it begins, the sooner will that question be resolved. Every factory or mill that rises there, adds, at once, its little host of operatives to the class which purchases and consumes. Every Pittsburg, Newark, or Lowell, that shall grow up among the hills or on the prairies of the West, will bring to the very doors of the farmers another unfailing market; and, in the long-run, will contribute far more towards raising the prices of land and of its products than those farmers can reasonably expect from the uncertain demand of any foreign and distant country.1

THE TRADING AND NAVIGATION INTERESTS.

To understand the mutual relations of trade and production, we must bear in mind the fact already enunciated, that production is the primary and chief source of national prosperity, and that the wealth of a country is proportionate to the excess of production over consumption. Production might exist without distribution, though it would be inert, and comparatively valueless; but distribution without production is a thing impossible. Production is, in fact, the source and measure of distribution; and whatever affects the former, for good or evil, must have a similar influence on the latter. When protection helps to build up some valuable industry, it bestows a corresponding benefit on trade, not only by multiplying the commodities to be distributed, but by increasing the ability of the community to buy. In connection with these general considerations, and with the aid of tabular statistics, I shall briefly discuss the bearing of our tariff, so far as the same is protective of manufactures, upon the trading and navigation interests of the United States.

The aggregate value of our products from manufactures, the mechanic arts, mining, and the fisheries, was, for 1860, according to the census, $1,906,000,000; the

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products of agriculture, for the same year, amounted to $1,856,000,000; making the total production of the country, $3,762,000,000. It is estimated that about one-third of the total produce of the country is consumed at or near the place of its origin. According to this proportion, there remained, to form our basis of trade for 1860, $1,270,666,666 worth of manufactures, &c., and $1,237,333,333 worth of agricultural products, making, together, $2,508,000,000. Of this sum we exported, in foreign vessels, $110,602,697; and, in American vessels, $262,586,577; -making, together, $373,189,274. In return, we imported, in foreign vessels, $134,001,399; and, in American vessels, $228,164,855; — making, together, $362,166,254. Of this sum, we re-exported $26,933,022;' leaving $335,233,232 for home consumption. Of our imports, $82,291,614 were duty free, and $279,874,640 paid duty. Of the latter class, as shown already, only $103,352,798 worth consisted of manufactures subject to protective duty.

To show more clearly the relative importance of the several interests just referred to, I recapitulate as follows; that portion of our produce which becomes merchandise, and forms a basis of trade, being taken for the unit:

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From this statement, it appears that about one-third in value of all our imports and exports is carried in foreign vessels. The statement also shows, that the value of our imports and exports, respectively, is only about one-seventh part as much as the value of that portion of our domestic produce which enters into trade. It will not escape notice, that the value of our imports subject to duty that can be regarded as protective of manufactures is only $103,352,798, or about one-twenty-fourth as much as the value of our domestic produce entering into trade. Looking at this large dis

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proportion, and the vastly superior amount of purchase and of sale which is involved in the domestic business of the country, it would seem to be an easy matter for the trading community to decide where its interest mainly lies.

The preference for dealing in foreign goods, which is evinced by many of the trade, is due, we may presume, to the fact, that such sales admit usually of higher profits. The actual cost of domestic manufactures is generally well known; and this knowledge operates effectually in keeping prices within reasonable limits. But the public have no such advantage in the case of foreign manufactures, which are generally sold at a much larger advance on the cost of production than those which are made at home. This suits the importer and the jobber; but there seems to be no particular reason why the great class of purchasers should wish to extend or perpetuate such a state of things.

Nearly sixty-five per cent of all our imports, and more than eighty per cent of imported dry goods, come to the port of New York.' The latter branch of business is well known to be largely in the hands of foreigners, or of those who are connected with foreign houses. We neither wonder nor complain when opposition to the protection of our manufactures comes from such a quarter; but when our own countrymen fail to perceive the nature and motive of this clamorous hostility, and even join in it, we are sometimes a little surprised.

CONCLUSION.

At the beginning of the century now more than half gone, our country had just entered on its independence. Sixty years of unexampled progress sufficed to raise her from comparative weakness and obscurity to a place among the leading nations of the world. It is true, that we are now engaged in a war of formidable proportions; and that many on the other side of the ocean, misunderstanding our situation and resources, or consulting, perhaps, wishes and apprehensions which they would hardly be willing to acknowledge, are already predicting our dissolution and downfall. They will be disappointed. Universal history does not furnish the example of a nationality more vigorous or self-sustaining than this of ours. We shall pass through this trial as many other nations have passed through theirs; and we shall come out of it with spirits unbroken and with augmented energies. Whatever may be the fears of the timid, however dark

the auguries of those who do not wish us well, peace will ere long return, and, with it, all its blessings. To such an issue we should look forward, not only with hope and confidence, but with that prudence which forecasts the future. The insurrection quelled, the Union re-established, the innate strength of our free institutions demonstrated, the military power of the republic developed and universally respected, we shall have the best, if not, indeed, the only ground a nation can have for expecting a peace which will remain long unbroken. But, while we shall rejoice in the restored tranquillity that allows each one to sit unmolested under his own vine and tree, our countrymen, generally, are not of the class who are content with such inactivity. There will be a struggle which they cannot evade, and other fields on which they must contend and win, or else sink down into national poverty and dependence. In the great strife of industry, where nations are the competitors, there is no reason why the United States should fall a whit behind their most formidable rivals. Let it be deeply and widely impressed on the popular mind, let it be adopted as an axiom by our Government, that the nation which produces the most in proportion to its numbers will be the most prosperous and powerful nation, and the first great step will have been taken. That our natural advantages for the attainment of so important a result are all that can be desired, both in extent and variety, has been conclusively shown. It rests with ourselves to determine whether those advantages shall be turned to the best account.

I have already dwelt on the necessity of an unwavering public policy. Without it, there can be no confidence in the future; no reasonable assurance of success that will encourage men to engage in extensive business, and in enterprises which look years ahead for profitable returns. In this respect, the action of our Government has been widely different from that of our great commercial rival; nor can we ever rise to equality with her, in the industrial contest, until our public policy becomes more intelligent in purpose and more uniform in character.

In another particular of great moment, so far as this question is concerned, we fall far behind our kinsfolk in Great Britain. It is a point too clear to be argued, that all judicious legislation on matters of commerce and national industry must be based upon extensive and accurate information. The general requirements of production; the relations and reciprocal dependence of the producer and the distributer; the statistics of our own trade, agriculture, manufactures, and other industries, and similar statistics in regard to all the great commercial and producing countries, — are among the facts which our legislators need to know, and without which they cannot safely act. But when our Secretary of the Treasury, our senators and representatives in Congress,

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look for information which they so much need on subjects of this kind, they find no comprehensive and systematic collection of facts, like that which England provides for the use of her cabinet-ministers, and members of Parliament. For the truth of this remark, I confidently appeal to all who may have had occasion to examine and compare the official records of the two countries; sure, as I am, that they cannot have failed to note the great superiority of the British State Papers, not only in the number and variety of the subjects presented, but in the systematic thoroughness and accuracy of the statements. In that voluminous collection, the "Accounts and Papers of the British Parliament," may be found statements of the imports, exports, navigation, manufactures, population, revenue, and expenditure of every country in the world, possessing the slightest commercial importance. The minister or the member who wishes to form a clear and statesmanlike opinion as regards the position of England in relation to other countries, and the policy she must pursue to make her intercourse with them the most advantageous, will there find all that he requires.

It is not to our credit as a largely producing and widely commercial nation, that our legislators and economists have no equally accurate and comprehensive source of information. For a part of what is needed, we can, it is true, resort to the results of British investigation; but a just pride, to say nothing of interest, should spare us this necessity. Hitherto, indeed, the riches of our resources, the lightness of our taxation, and the exuberance of a spontaneous prosperity, have enabled us to go on very comfortably under what, in many instances, must be regarded as rather crude legislation. But we have reason to suppose that these days of luxuriance and waste are about over. A great war is heaping its burdens of debt and taxation on our shoulders; and it is high time that we should begin to study our business relations with other countries more thoroughly, and to keep our accounts more accurately. For this purpose, we very much need a statistical bureau, devoted to the collection and annual publication of all the important facts which relate to the industry and commerce of the country.' Through our consuls in foreign parts, it might gather in all that it is desirable to know of the trade and production of other countries. A digest of the whole, arranged in comparative tables, and printed for distribution in pamphlet form, would be of inestimable benefit to the Government and to the whole country. Such a mass of information, so diffused,, would enable the people to understand their interests far better than they now do or can do.

1 A DEPARTMENT OF AGRICULTURE has recently been established by Congress. When the bill came before the Senate,

tion of STATISTICS. This judicious and excellent proposal failed in that body by a single vote. It is to be hoped that a bureau

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