gaumies, Killistinoes, Nipegons, Algonkins, Winnebagoes and other Indians. The various tribes, who evidently spoke the same original language, had different dialects; yet, perhaps, they differed little more from each other, than the style of a Londoner now does from that of his great grandfather. The want of letters and of a sufficient correspondence between the several nations may well account for all the variations to be found among the natives in New-England, and between them and the other tribes which have been mentioned. All the New-England Indians expressed the pronouns both substantive and adjective by prefixes and suffixes, or by letters or syllables added at the beginnings or ends of their nouns.1 In this respect there is a remarkable coincidence between this and the Hebrew language, in an instance in which the Hebrew entirely differs from all the ancient and modern languages of Europe.

From this affinity of the Indian language, with the Hebrew, from their anointing their heads with oil, their dancing in their devotions, their excessive howlings and mourning for their dead, their computing time by nights and moons, their giving dowries to their wives, and causing their women at certain seasons to dwell by themselves, and some other circumstances, the famous Mr. John Eliot, the Indian apostle, was led to imagine that the American Indians were the posterity of the dispersed Israelites.2 They used many figures and parables in their discourses, and some have reported that, at certain seasons, they used no knives, and never brake the bones of the creatures which they ate. It has also been reported, that in some of their songs the word Hallelujah might be distinguished.3

The Indian language abounds with gutturals and strong aspirations, and their words are generally of a great length, which render it peculiarly bold and sonorous. The Indian speeches, like those of the eastern nations, generally were adorned with the most bold and striking figures, and have not been inferior to any which either the English or French have been able to make to them. The Indians in general, throughout the continent, were much given to speech making. As eloquence and war were, with them, the foundations of all consequence, the whole force of their genius was directed to these acquisitions. In council, their opinions were always given in set speeches; and to persons whom they highly respected, it was not unusual, on meeting and parting, or on matters of more than common importance, to address their

1 Dr. Edwards' observations on the Indian language.

2 Magnalia, b. iii. p. 192, 193.

3 Hutchinson, vol. i. p. 478.

4

Nummatchekodtantamoonganunonash was a single word, which in English, signifies, Our lusts. Noowomantammoonkanunnonnash was another, signifying, Our loves. Kummogkodonattoottummooctiteaongannunnonash was another, expressing no more than, Our question. Magnalia, b. iii. p. 193.

compliments and opinions in formal harangues. The Indians commonly spake with an unusual animation and vehemence.

The Indians in New-England, rarely if ever admitted the letters L and R into their dialect; but the Mohawks, whose language was entirely different, used them both. Some of the western Indians, who speak the same language radically, with the Moheagans, use the L. The Moheagan language abounds with labials, but the Mohawk differs entirely from this, and perhaps from every other, in this respect, that it is wholly destitute of labials. The Mohawks esteemed it a laughable matter indeed, for men to shut their mouths that they might speak.1

The Indians in Connecticut, and in all parts of New-England, made great lamentations at the burial of their dead. Their manner of burial was to dig holes in the ground with stakes, which were made broad and sharpened at one end. Sticks were laid across the bottom, and the corpse, which was previously wrapped in skins and mats, was let down upon them. The arms, treasures, utensils, paint and ornaments of the dead, were buried with them, and a mound of earth was raised upon the whole. In some instances the Indians appear to have used a kind of embalming, by wrapping the corpse in large quantities of a strong scented red powder. In some parts of New-England, the dead were buried in a sitting posture with their faces towards the east. The women on these occasions painted their faces with oil and charcoal, and while the burial was performing, they, with the relatives of the dead, made the most hideous shrieks, howlings and lamentations. Their mourning continued, by turns, at night and in the morning, for several days. During this term all the relatives united in bewailing the dead.

When the English began the settlement of Connecticut, all the Indians both east and west of Connecticut river, were tributaries, except the Pequots, and some few tribes which were in alliance with them. The Pequots had spread their conquests over all that part of the state east of the river. They had also subjugated the Indians on the sea coast, as far westward as Guilford. Uncas therefore, after the Pequots were conquered, extended his claims as far as Hammonasset, in the eastern part of that township.3 The Indians in these parts were therefore tributaries to the Pequots.

The Mohawks had not only carried their conquests as far southward as Virginia, but eastward, as far as Connecticut river. The Indians therefore, in the western parts of Connecticut, were their tributaries. Two old Mohawks, every year or two, might be seen issuing their orders and collecting their tribute, with as much authority and haughtiness as a Roman dictator.

'Golden's history, vol. i. p. 16.

? Neal's history N. E. vol. i. p. 29. 3 Manuscripts of Mr. Ruggles.

It is indeed difficult to describe the fear of this terrible nation, which had fallen on all the Indians in the western parts of Connecticut. If they neglected to pay their tribute, the Mohawks would come down against them, plunder, destroy, and carry them captive at pleasure. When they made their appearance in the country, the Connecticut Indians would instantly raise a cry from hill to hill, a Mohawk! a Mohawk! and fly like sheep before wolves, without attempting the least resistance.1 The Mohawks would cry out, in the most terrible manner, in their language, importing "We are come, we are come, to suck your blood." When the Connecticut Indians could not escape to their forts, they would immediately flee to the English houses for shelter. and sometimes the Mohawks would pursue them so closely as to enter with them, and kill them in the presence of the family. If there was time to shut the doors they never entered by force, nor did they, upon any occasion, do the least injury to the English.

When they came into this part of the country for war, they used their utmost art to keep themselves undiscovered. They would conceal themselves in swamps and thickets, watching their opportunity, and all on a sudden, rise upon their enemy and kill or captivate them, before they had time to make any resistance.

About the time when the settlement of New-Haven conimenced, or not many years after, they came into Connecticut, and surprised the Indian fort at Paugusset. To prevent the Connecticut Indians from discovering them, and that not so much as a track of them might be seen, they marched in the most secret manner, and when they came near the fort travelled wholly in the river. Secreting themselves near the fort, they watched their opportunity, and suddenly attacking it, with their dreadful yellings and violence, they soon took it by force, and killed and captivated whom they pleased. Having plundered and destroyed, at their pleasure, they returned to their castles, west of Albany.

As the Indians in Connecticut were slaughtered and oppressed, either by the Pequots or Mohawks, they were generally friendly to the settlement of the English among them. They expected, by their means, to be defended against their terrible and cruel oppressors. They also found themselves benefited by trading with them. They furnished themselves with knives, hatchets, axes, hoes, kettles and various instruments and utensils which highly contributed to their convenience. They could, with these, perform more labor in one hour or day, than they could in many days without them. Besides, they found that they could exchange an old beaver coat, or blanket, for two or three new ones of English manufacture. They found a much better market for their furs, corn, peltry, and all their vendible commodities.

1 Colden's history, vol. i. p. 3.

2 Wood's prospect of N. England.

The English were also careful to treat them with justice and humanity, and to make such presents to their sachems and great captains, as should please and keep them in good humor.

By these means, the English lived in tolerable peace with all the Indians in Connecticut, and New-England, except the Pequots, for about forty years.

The Indians, at their first settlement, performed many acts of kindness towards them. They instructed them in the manner of planting and dressing the Indian corn. They carried them upon their backs, through rivers and waters; and, as occasion required, served them instead of boats and bridges. They gave them much useful information respecting the country, and when the English or their children were lost in the woods, and were in danger of perishing with hunger or cold, they conducted them to their wigwams, fed them, and restored them to their families and parents. By selling them corn, when pinched with famine, they relieved their distresses and prevented their perishing in a strange land and uncultivated wilderness.

CHAPTER IV.

SUCH numbers were constantly emigrating to New-England, in consequence of the persecution of the puritans, that the people at Dorchester, Watertown and Newtown, began to be much straitened, by the accession of new planters. By those who had been at Connecticut, they had received intelligence of the excellent meadows upon the river: they therefore determined to remove, and once more brave the dangers and hardships of making settlements in a dreary wilderness.

Upon application to the general court in May, 1634, for the enlargement of their boundaries, or for liberty to remove, they, at first, obtained consent for the latter. However, when it was afterwards discovered, that their determination was to plant a new colony at Connecticut, there arose a strong opposition; so that when the court convened in September, there was a warm debate on the subject, and a great division between the houses. Indeed, the whole colony was affected with the dispute.

Mr. Hooker, who was more engaged in the enterprise than the other ministers, took up the affair and pleaded for the people. He urged, that they were so straitened for accommodations for their cattle, that they could not support the ministry, neither receive, nor assist any more of their friends, who might come over to them. He insisted that the planting of towns so near together was a fundamental error in their policy. He pleaded the fertility and

happy accommodations of Connecticut: That settlements upon the river were necessary to prevent the Dutch and others from possessing themselves of so fruitful and important a part of the country; and that the minds of the people were strongly inclined to plant themselves there, in preference to every other place, which had come to their knowledge.

On the other side it was insisted, That in point of conscience they ought not to depart, as they were united to the Massachusetts as one body, and bound by oath to seek the good of that commonwealth: and that on principles of policy it could not, by any means, be granted. It was pleaded, that as the settlements in the Massachusetts were new and weak, they were in danger of an assault from their enemies: That the departure of Mr. Hooker and the people of those towns, would not only draw off many fron the Massachusetts, but prevent others from settling in the colony. Besides, it was said, that the removing of a candlestick was a great judgment: That by suffering it they should expose their brethren to great danger, both from the Dutch and Indians. Indeed, it was affirmed that they might be accommodated by the enlargements offered them by the other towns.

After a long and warm debate, the governor, two assistants, and a majority of the representatives, were for granting liberty for Mr. Hooker and the people to transplant themselves to Connecticut. The deputy-governor however and six of the assistants were in the negative, and so no vote could be obtained.1

This made a considerable ferment, not only in the general court, but in the colony, so that Mr. Cotton was desired to preach on the subject to quiet the court and the people of the colony. This also retarded the commencement of the settlements upon the river. Individuals, however, were determined to prosecute the business, and made preparations effectually to carry it into execution.

It appears, that some of the Watertown people came this year to Connecticut, and erected a few huts at Pyquag, now Weathersfield, in which a small number of men made a shift to winter.2

While the colonists were thus prosecuting the business of settlement, in New-England, the right honourable James, Marquis of Hamilton, obtained a grant from the council of Plymouth, April 20th, 1635, of all that tract of country which lies between Connecticut river and Narraganset river and harbour, and from the mouths of each of said rivers northward sixty miles into the country. However, by reason of its interference with the grant to the lord Say and Seal, lord Brook, &c. or for some other reason, the deed was never executed. The Marquis made no settlement upon the land and the claim became obsolete.

1 Winthrop's Journal, p. 70.

2 This is the tradition, and the Rev. Mr. Meeks of Weathersfield in his manuscripts says, Weathersfield is the oldest town on the river.