ment. Besides that, there was this point: that while the Treaty would be binding on the Government of England, there was the necessity for the approval of the United States Senate in order to make it binding on the United States. Meeting on those terms it was not surprising that there should have ar sen disagreement before they went very far. In the Alabama question he thought we were as much interested as any portion of the Empire, if not more so than the British Isles themselves. He found that England, who in the first instance had refused to leave to arbitration the question of due dilligence, that England who had always maintained that she had used due diligence, had commenced proceedings with an expression of regret for the escape of the Alabama. Perhaps there was not much in that, because Earl Russell had stated again and again his regret for the escape of the Alabama; but why should it be brought out so prominently in the Treaty? The people of the United States, through their Commissioners, had looked upon this expression of regret as very satisfactory, as a token of kindness; and they had shown their appreciation of that by endeavour ing to get enormous damages for consequential injuries. Some hon. gentleman had said that they would be glad if, in consequence of the complications on that point, the whole matter fell through. He would be better pleased if they agreed to wipe out the whole thing-to clean the slate and begin again He did not think there was any fear of war. He thought that after the experience we had had of Commissioners met together, all matters could be settled, and in a more satisfactory manner than by the Treaty as it now stands. (Hear, hear.) The attempt of the United States to force upon England those exclusive indirect damages, was a proof that they took all they could get, and were anxious to get a great deal more, desirous all the while of gaining every point, and apparently conceding none. He considered that the ex post facto agreement which he had before alluded to was very objectionable. During the war between Prussia and France, arms were exported from Great Britain to France. They were exported as articles of commerce. Prussia found fault, bu: Great Britain contended that she had a perfect right to sell those arms, that there was nothing in international law to prevent that, and therefore she refused to admit that she had done wrong. Supposing a difficulty were to arise between Prussia and England, and England were to say it was true that when she sold those arms, ac cording to our views of international law, there was nothing wrong; however, we now admit that it was contrary to the rules as now lid down, and we will have our conduct of 1870 judged by the rules of 1872. He thought the principle was vicious, and that under it the weaker power had to submit to the stronger. He did not admit that England was a weak power, but he contended that she had acted in this matter under weak counsels. Some people had argued that we had gained a great deal by the establishment of this rule of "due diligence," that it would prevent Fenian rails in future; but he did not think that it applied to Fenian raids at all. it was restricted entirely to the escape of vessels. It said nothing as to the escape of men We were not to be consoled with the idea that this ex post facto agreement imposed the obligation of the United States to prevent Fenian raids. It was not calculated by its language to do anything of the kind. When the United States Commissioners refused to include the Fenian claims in the subjects for discussion, he thought it would have been better for England to have broken off the negotiations. A Government that was not willing to concede a thing so plain, while they were pressing the Alabama claims, could not be expected to do otherwise than take advantage of us in the other questions. He did not think that all the other questions would have remained unsettled if the Fenian claims had been pressed. On the contrary, he thought that all would have been settled, and it would have been better for the British Commissioners, one and all, to have taken the stand that, according to the principles of international law, it was clear that those claims must be taken into account. If that course had been taken, there would not have been the difficulty that had since arisen about the omission of the Fenian claims. Then the British Commissioners said that under the circum stances they would not further urge a settlement of those claims. He argued that the Alabama and Fenian claims were in part alike, there being in each case direct and consequential damages, and one rule should have guided both cases. It being six o'clock the House rose. not, however, wish to be understood as some other flag. They could have the harshly judging the Mother Country; for Stars and Stripes, (no, no,) or the flag of it must be borne in mind that the sacri- Independence, (no. no) or the flag of the fices were prompted in a great measure by great Liberal party of Ontario. (Laughter.) consideration for Canada, which would be Under the latter flag they could have the battle ground in the event of war, plenty of mottoes; they could have "No and if there had been sacrifices Canada Popery," "No Separate Schools," "No could not complain because she had not Orangemen,' "No Coalitions," "No Govbeen called upon to contribute. But there ernment but a Grit Government," "No was some omission of which Canada had a enlargement of our canals." (Laughter.) right to complain-the withdrawal of the He recognized, however, the objection Fenian claims. The Imperial Government that it was the Dominion not the Ontario expressed the hope that the United States Government that was concerned in the would observe their international obliga- present matter. A vote of censure was tions, but that was fruitless. The raids of proposed on the Dominion Government. 1866, 1870 and 1871 were all led by the What was that Government? It was the same man, who received no punishment. Government that made Canada what she or very slight. The proposition made by is to day. It was the Party of Progress. the Postmaster-General was that the Im- It had done more in five years than perperial Government should insist on repara haps any other party had done in fifty. tion by the United States, or that she (Cheers.) The Party in opposition had would herself assist us to bear the burden. opposed everything the Government at、 That Government withdrew the claims, tempted, and the one being the party of but it was not settled forever; it still re- progress, the other must be the party of mained open between England and the obstruction, for the greater part of what United States, and in the event of further had been accomplished since Confedera negotiations he hoped that the claims tion had been accomplished in spite of would be pushed. He referred to the the hon. gentlemen opposite. To refer to speeches of Lord Granville and Mr. Glad the navigation of the St. Lawrence, the stone, showing that the claim was still only question was where it ceased to be a valid as between England and the United boundary between the two countries. The States. Great Brtain, however, agreed to United States had always contended that bear a portion of our burden, and she had the river should be a highway from its done it in a most liberal way; for while source to its mouth; and any one looking the ratepayers of England had nothing to at the map must be impressed with the pay, the guarantee was of none the less thought that nature intended it to be the service to Canada, for it not only saved a great highway of the West. He would very large amount in itself but would have been better satisfied if the navigaenable Canada to float the whole loan at a tion had been ceded without any question much cheaper rate than she otherwise of equivalents, for it could then have been could. In addition to this, there was a used as a precedent in other cases which moral as well as a material support. The could not be done now. As to the rivers Government was formerly blamed for not Yukon, Porcupine and Stikine, they knew sending in their claim and now they were nothing about them He considered the blamed by the very same men for obtain- St. Lawrence their Jordan, and knew nothing compensation for that claim. No ing of the rivers of Damascus. Refer doubt it would have been more satisfac- ence, however, was made to the Treaty of tory if we could have had some apology 1825, by which Canada seemed to have as from the United States, and some assu rance for the future. but that could only much right to those rivers as she would come through England, and England had decided not to press the matter at present. He maintained that the Canadian Government had done everything they could in the matter. It might be said that there was no guarantee for the future; but it was only the English Government that was in a moribund state, and he believed the heart of the British people was still in the right place, and that Canada would never have to ask for protection in vain. If gen: tlemen opposite thought that there was no protection in the British flag, of course their only alternative was to seek it in under the present Treaty. He could not quite agree with the member for Peel that the cession of Alaska by Russia destroyed all the previous Treaty rights. England had. however, always contended that the war between the two countries put an end to the existing Treaties, and in that principle the war between Great Britain and Russia must have ended the rights under the Treaty of 1825. Hon. Mr. MACKENZIE-What about the Treaty of Paris? Mr. HARRISON—The rights might have been renewed under that Treaty. Hon. J. H. CAMERON-They were not renewed under the Treaty of Paris, but under the Treaty of 1859. these clauses, why should those from Ontario object? Further, they must not ove look the collateral advantages, the bonding system and the relaxation of the navigation laws. If it was the policy of the Empire that the Treaty should be adopted, Canada, as a part of the Empire, must adopt it. He would have been better pleased to see it amended or entirely changed, but so long as it was the policy of the Imperial Government, it would be very unbecoming for Canada to resist it. Canada made no sacrifices, but even if she had to do so, it would be her duty to do it under the circumstances. What value would the fisheries be without the pro at all. Canada would be unable to hold them and she could not expect Imperial protection if she flew in the face of the Imperial policy and raised a question likely to cause a rupture between England and another power. There was no reason why nations like men, should not settle dis Mr. HARRISON said that in any case it was not a matter of consequence, for the use of those rivers was not an quivalent for the use of the St. Lawrence. There were, however, other equivalents. There was the navigation of Lake Michigan for a number of years; there was the boundary system; there was the relaxation of the navigation laws, which was a most important concession. These privileges were, however, subjected to two checks; the first the use of our canals, the second the export duty on timber. This matter had been dealt with by the Imperial Gov-tection of the Imperial authorities? None ernment and the Canadian Government had nothing whatever to do with it. As to the use of the canals, Canada would derive great good from their being used by the Americans, as the revenue would be greatly increased. He would now come to the Fishery clauses. The 18th gave the Americans liberty to fish in the disputes by the rules of reason, and he puted limits. The 19th gave Canada the right to fish in American waters; and the 22nd provided for the payment of any difference in value. It had been objected that these were not fair, but he could see nothing that was not perfectly fair and just. But there was another privilege. The 21st clause provided that fish and fish oil should be admitted into both conntries free. Of course it would have been better if the reciprocity had gone further, and included coal and salt. Refering to the statement that the Premier made, that the action of the Horse last year prevented that reciprocity, he maintained that if there was any blame it must be shared by the Government, for they were in daily communication with the Premier, and ought to have stated the consequences to the House. He believed that the benefits the Maritime Provinces would derive were very considerable, and he had no doubt they would be well able to compete with American fishermen, and their satisfaction with the matter was proved by the absence of opposition expressed by the members from those Provinces. As to a surrender of territorial rights, there was no more surrender than there was in the Treaty of 1818, or in the Reciprocity Treaty. The privilege was only for twelve years, and at the end of that time, if Canada continued to make the progress she had made during the past five years, she would be a power more worthy of respect and would be ready and willing at any time to bear her portion of the responsi bility of the Empire. If the people of the Maritime Provinces were satisfied with trusted that the Treaty would be a prece dent for the future, not only to the two nations concerned, but also to the nations of the world. They had a large part of the continent in their charge and invited immigrants from all parts of the world. They offered them lands, the giving away of which did not impoverish them while it enriched those who received them. They would live in the country and bring with them much additional wealth. What was true of the United States was true of this country. We wanted immigrants, but they would not come unless there was them away. some guarantee of peace; war would drive interest to have peace, and he looked upon It was our policy and our the Treaty as a happy omen of the reign of peace. For this reason he intended to vote against the amendments of the hon. gentlethe bill (Cheers) Before closing he would men opposite and for the second reading of like to say a word about the attacks that had been made upon the leader of the Government. He was sorry that that hon. gentleman had replied to those attacks at all; but he felt that, after all, the hon. gentleman would have been more than human if he could have avoided alluding to the bitter charge that had been made against him for many months past If there was one man who was above seeking popularity, if there was one man more than another to whom we were indebted for Confederation, if there was one man more than another who had laboured for the success and prosperity of the Dominion, through good repute and ill repute, Sir John Macdonald was the man, and it was only party preju dice that made his assailants blind to his merits, and caused them to abuse him as they did. (Cheers.) Two years ago when he lay ill at Death's door, the feeling of the whole country was aroused. His threatened death was regarded as a national calamity, and when he finally recovered the feeling of gladness and gratitude was almost universal, (Cheers.) He (Mr. Harrison) was not going to catalogue the virtues of the Government. but in other respects there was an aptness which in the interest of the country ought perhaps to be made eternal. Our finances were well managed. our militia, our public works and all the other departments of the Administration were well managed. The result was general prosperity. The whole country was blossoming like a rose, and the people were satisfied because the right men were at the head of affairs. He admitted the necessity and usefulness of an Opposition, and their right to criticise every Executive, but they had no right to borrow from the criminal vocabulary, to put up jobs and make base charges and assertions when there was no ground for them. All the gentlemen on the Treasury benches were, he believed, well qualified for their positions, and he thought that the interests of the country would be best served by keeping them there. (Cheers.) Mr. M. C. CAMERON (Huron) did not agree with the argument of the hon. member for West Toronto, in denouncing the conduct of the British Government. He conceded, however, with his hon. friend that every possible exertion had not been made in pressing our rights. He referred to the withdrawal by the British Commissioners, at the request of the American Commissioners, of the negotiations for obtaining the coasting trade of United States, the registration of vessels and other matters, all of which, he said, were withdrawn upon the Americans declining to entertain them. The question was not whether the Minister of Justice acted on the commission as rep-be to defeat the Treaty. resenting Canada or the Imperial authorities, the question was whether they would accept or reject the Treaty. He protested against the repeated assertions that opposition to the Treaty all came from Ontario, and alluded to the speech of the member for Inverness, Nova Scotia. That gentle man had been interested in the fisheries for years, but was opposed to the Treaty. If there was likely to be any misunderstanding as to the interpretation of the Treaty he thought that the House should be informed of it. He quoted from an English paper to show that the English people doubted the good expressions of the United States unless they were sup ported by substantial documentary proof. He was of opinion that the American Commissioners had obtained an advantage over the British Commissioners in dealing with the tariff last year, and generally reviewed the discussions of the Canadian Parliament on that subject during last Session. He looked upon the free admission of the Americans to our fisheries for the term of twelve years as a practical cession of them by Canada for ever. He characterized the Treaty as having been framed in a careless manner, and felt sure that it would lead to further complications. He admitted that England had done a good deal for Canada, but in all cases where she had given any guarantee it was on stipulated conditions, and cited the Intercolonial loan as an in stance, and while they should accede as far as possible to the demand of England they ought not to forget that they have neighbours who are not to be trusted on all occasions. In his opinion the more the Americans get, the more they want; and he quoted from the New York Tribune and other American papers to show that they looked upon the Treaty as a step towards the annexation of Canada. He thought that the Treaty was indefencible on its merits, and couid only be argued for apologetically. He read an extract from the Toronto Mail, which he characterized as the special organ of the Government, but which, in his opinion, concurred in the views expressed by the member for Sherbrooke a few evenings previously. He thought that no party should be so proud of their leaders as the gentlemen on the opposite side of the House; but he regretted the tone of the remarks of that hon. gen. tleman during the debate in denouncing all who did not accept the Treaty. Не would support the amendment of the member for South Oxford; and, if that should fail, would vote for the amendment of the member for West Durham, or any other motion the object of which would Hon. Dr. TUPPER could not but feel that he would ill discharge his duty if, upon so momentuous a question, he did not give to the House the views he enter tained. The hon. gentleman who had just taken his seat stated that his consti tuents were stongly opposed to the Treaty, but he (Dr. Tupper) thought that both the House and the country should not look upon the great question under dis cussion from a party point of view. If there ever had been a question submitted to the Parliament and people of Canada which ought, from its very character and nature, to have elevated the statesmen of all parties and classes from mere low, gro. velling or party grounds, it was the ques-ed to hold it back until circumstances best tion under discussion. It was not a ques suited their presenting it against England; tion of party in Canada any more than it that they would treasure all their wrath was in England. What was the case against a day of wrath, that when England there? A member of the late cabinet was engaged in some Continental struggle had been invited by the Government of the United States would find their oppor the day to give his assistance and co-oper- tunity of enforcing what they considered ation in reference to the Treaty, and he their just claims against England. That had given his services as freely and unre- view, and a knowledge of the fact that servedly as if he had been called upon by England had a weak point on this contithe Government of which he was a mem- nent, had undoubtedly influenced the Im ber. When the Treaty was submitted to perial Government in endeavouring to Parliament, great as were the opportunities bring the question to a final and amicable for the Opposition to deal with it, they settlement. Great and important as the forgot what was due to party, looking only Treaty was to the British Empire at large, to what was due to their common country. it was far more so to Canada; and he beReading the proceedings which had taken lieved it was not alone importaut to Enplace in the Imperial Parliament, what gland or Canada. He looked upon it as a did they find? A common sentiment of gigantic stride in the progress of civiliza joy and satisfaction pervaded both sides of tion. England having admitted, as she the House, on the announcement by the did admit, that she had a duty to perform Premier that the cloud which overshadow in reference to these cruisers, she was not ed these proceedings was to be dispelled, humiliated by the expression of regret Not that gentlemen on both sides of the which formed a part of the Treaty. He House in the Imperial Parliament regard thought that England would be amply ed with the same favor the general features repaid for any cost or trouble she had been of the Treaty, but because men of all put to in the settlement of these quesparties felt that whether it was perfect or tions, by the establishment of that new imperfect, there were general leading principle of international law which is to features in it which commend it to the govern such matters in the future. It had candid consideration of all men. It was been said that there was humiliation. If only a few years ago that the great coun. there was humiliation on one side, there try lying against Canada was engaged in was the same on the other. He had said a deadly struggle. The South had risen that Canada had no small interest in this and the North was prepared, at any sacri- matter. He would not repeat the elaborate fice of blood and money, to preserve the argument that had been used by the First Union intact; and when engaged in that Minister, showing the great value of this deadly struggle, it became known that Treaty to us; but we must look at our cruisers were being built in Great position. While Canada was united with Britain to take part in it. Repres England, he believed that we could defend sentations were made to the Imperial ourselves against any power that would be Government, and they put forth their brought against us; but, when we looked hand to prevent the departure of those at the great strength of the country near vessels. Subsequently, however, the Ala- us. and that while England could bring all bama escaped, and in order to avoid the her great naval power to bear, knew she posibility of further difficulty, they them would come out of the struggle without selves purchased the other vessels. discredit, everybody knew that we would Was it wonderful that this omis- not be able to live out such a struggle, sion on the part of Great Bri- except with the same gory fields that had tain should have excited a people, destroyed France; and it would ill become who had felt that their struggle had been Canada, regarded as she was by England as increased in its intensity, and should cause a vulnerable point, at such a time, to raise them to demand redress from a Govern our hands and say, "We think you have ment, whose want of vigour and effect had humiliated and disgraced yourselves, and exposed them to so great and increased we will be no party to this Treaty which you danger? Nor could England turn a deaf have made." But it was not only a quesear to a demand for reparation made by tion of peace or war. Everybody knew forty millions of people, lying alongside that no country in the world had a deeper of Canada. At the time the Johnson-interest than Canada had in the relations Clarendon Treaty was rejected, the United States took the attitude that they would not ask for a re-opening of the negotiations in this matter; which meant that they had an undoubted claim, and intend. between England and the United States; everybody knew that a mere cloud of war between those nations would strike a fatal blow at our credit, that would stop that bright career of prosperity which we now |