priests that this sacrifice would prevent the fulfilment of the prediction.

The Corinthi

It may seem strange that they had derived no more moral cultivation from their vicinity to Magna Grecia, and its philosophic academies. But this may be accounted for, on the probable conjecture, that they hated its inhabitants, as rivals to power in Italy, and looked on them with scorn, as animated by the meanest spirit in the prosecution of commerce to procure riches, magnificence, and pleasure. The Roman commanders and ambassadors sent to Greece were the first to acquire a taste for Grecian learning, and discernment and can. dour to estimate the mental superiority of the Greeks. The first Roman embassy arrived in Greece, on occasion of the success of the Romans in Illyrica, B. c. 225. They were received with distinction in the principal cities. ans, for the first time, proclaimed "that the Romans should be admitted to celebrate the Isthmian games, with the same privileges as the Greeks. The freedom of the city was also granted them at Athens, and they were permitted to be initiated into their solemn mysteries." From this time the Romans solicitously and with success cultivated the friendship of the Grecian states, and eventually rescued them from the tyranny of Philip, king of Macedon. To oppose the ambitious schemes of that monarch, a treaty was concluded between the Etolians and Romans, B. c. 211, a short time after the death of Aratus, who was believed to have been poisoned by an emissary of Philip. Several powers, alienated from him, or at war with him, were invited to accede to the treaty against him; and Attalus, king of Pergamus, accepted the invitation. The Romans, however, in general, continued averse to philosophical studies more than half a century longer. For when some of their most distinguished citizens were astonished and fascinated with the eloquence of certain Grecian philosophers, who visited Rome in the time of Cato the Censor, that intelligent and virtuous person declaimed against the study of philosophy, from the apprehension that it would induce effeminacy, and destroy the fortitude, intrepidity, and austere habits of the Roman youth, and repress in them the love of war, the cherishing of which he deemed essential to the advancement of the national glory. And still later, during the consulship of Strabo and Valerius, "a decree of the senate passed, probably in consequence of repeated visits from Grecian philosophers, requiring the prætor Pomponius to take care that no philosophers were resident in Rome. Some

years afterwards, the censors, as if resolved at once to shut the door against philosophy and eloquence, issued a similar edict against rhetoricians, in terms to this effect: 'Whereas we have been informed, that certain men, who call themselves Latin rhetoricians, have instituted a new kind of learning, and opened schools, in which young men trifle away their time day after day; we, judging this innovation to be inconsistent with the purpose for which our ancestors established schools, contrary to ancient custom, and injurious to our youth, do hereby warn both those who keep these schools, and those who frequent them, that they are herein acting contrary to our pleasure.' And this edict was afterwards revived, in the year of Rome 662, under the consulate of Pulcher and Perpenna. But at length philosophy, under the protection of those great commanders who had conquered Greece, prevailed; and Rome opened her gates to all who professed to be teachers of wisdom and eloquence." Her men resorted to Greece, and returned richly loaded with its mental

treasures.

Though Ptolemy Euergetes deserted Aratus, yet he nobly defended the liberty of Greece, exposed to imminent danger by the influence of Philip over several of its states. He may have been actuated in this more by policy than disinterested regard for the Greeks; for his own provinces in Asia Minor, Cyprus, and even Egypt, he could scarcely consider safe, were Philip to subjugate all Greece. But the advantage to the Greeks was great, inasmuch as it contributed to maintain their dignity and fame, and terminated in their exaltation in the eyes of the Romans. His death, B. C. 221, was apparently an unhappy event for Greece, and still more for Egypt; for he was the last of his dynasty who deserved the approbation of mankind. Ptolemy Philopater ascended the throne of his father. His reign, as we shall see in our review of the times of Antiochus the Great, was disgraced by almost every species of injustice and profligacy, in which he was unhappily followed by the generality of his successors.

CHAPTER XV.

THE REIGN OF ANTIOCHUS THE GREAT.

SELEUCUS Callinicus left two sons, known in history by the names of Seleucus Ceraunus and Antiochus the Great. They both owed their succession to the crown of Syria to the wisdom and fidelity of their uncle Achæus, their mother's broHe first placed Seleucus, the eldest, on the throne, This prince, feeble alike in mind and body, was despised by the army; and after reigning about three years, was assassinated by two of his chief officers. Achæus inflicted on the traitors just punishment, and, being universally beloved, was urged by the army to accept of the sceptre. He had, however, preferred to preserve the kingdom in peace till the arri val of Antiochus from Babylon, where he had resided some years, under proper tutors. At the commencement of his reign, B. c. 222, the government of Asia Minor was entrusted to Achæus, that of Media to Molo, and that of Persia to his brother Alexander. These brothers, in the following year, renounced the authority of their sovereign; but in less than two years their troops were totally defeated; and, perceiving no way of escape from the conqueror, they, after the manner. of the age, first killed their wives and children, and then took their own lives.

Having re established his dominion in the East, Antiochus prepared an army to recover Calo-Syria, which he regarded his own by inheritance. He had formerly attempted this without success; for when he led his army to the valley lying between Libanus and Anti-Libanus, he found the passes of these mountains so strongly fortified and defended by Theodotus, an Ætolian, the governor appointed by Ptolemy Euergetes, that he deemed it prudent to retire. But circumstances were now changed. Ptolemy Philopater had succeeded hist father, and had gathered around him persons, who, like him

self, were destitute of virtuous principles, and slaves of every base passion. He was believed to have poisoned his noble father, and had publicly put to death his mother, and Megas, his only brother. His court was a scene of indescribable luxury, effeminacy, and intemperance. The king and his ministers, however, unqualified to judge of excellence, presumed to charge Theodotus with prosecuting the interests of the kingdom with less ardour than became his office. They had called him before them; and though acquitted, yet he felt insulted, and even ashamed to be governed by persons who, in many respects, were the disgrace of human nature. Accordingly, immediately on returning to Calo-Syria, he seized Tyre and Ptolemais, and offered to deliver up the country to Antiochus. The Syrian king hastened to support Theodotus. The Egyptian forces, under an able general, Nicolaus, a native also of Ætolia, were assembled to defend the passes of Libanus and Anti-Libanus. These Ptolemy compelled to retire; and he passed on to the Phenician cities, where he was Joined by Theodotus. He here found a fleet of forty ships, and ample naval stores. After several combats of the oppos: ing fleets and armies, Antiochus obtained possession of Damascus, the metropolis of Calo-Syria, Gilead, Galilee, and Samaria, and gave rest for the winter to his fleet at Tyre, and his army at Ptolemais. This eruption into Judea of Antiochus, named in prophecy, one of the sons of the kings of the North; and the reconquest of the country, by Ptolemy, the king of the South, are particularly mentioned in Dan. xi. 10-12. "But his sons shall be stirred up, and shall assemble a multitude of great forces; and one shall certainly come, and overflow and pass through; then shall he return, and be stirred up, even to his fortress. And the king of the south shall be moved with choler, and shall come forth and fight with him, even with the king of the north and he shall set forth a great multitude; but the mul titude shall be given into his hand. And when he hath taken away the multitude, his heart shall be lifted up; and he shall cast down many ten thousands: but he shall not be strengthened by it."

On the return of spring, Ptolemy, roused to a proper sense of his danger, renounced sensual indulgences, and placed himself at the head of a powerful army, which he led through the desert that separates Egypt from the Holy Land. He was met at Gaza by a more numerous army, under Antiochus. A sanguinary battle soon followed. "Arsinoe, the sister and wife of Ptolemy, not only exhorted the soldiers to be

have manfully, before the battle, but did not leave her husband even during the heat of this engagement. The issue of it was, Antiochus, being at the head of his right wing, defeated the enemy's left. But whilst hurried on by an inconsiderate ardour, he engaged too warmly in the pursuit, and Ptolemy, who had been as successful in the other wing, charged Antiochus' centre in flank, which was then uncovered; and broke it, before it was possible for that prince to come to its relief. An old officer, who saw which way the dust flew, concluded that the centre was defeated, and accordingly made Antiochus observe it. But though he faced about that instant, he came too late to amend his fault; and found the rest of his army broke and put to flight. He himself was now obliged to provide for his retreat, and retired to Raphia, and afterwards to Gaza, with the loss of ten thousand men killed, and four thousand taken prisoners. Finding it would now be impossible for him to continue the campaign against Ptolemy, he abandoned all his conquests; and retreated to Antioch with the remains of his army;" and all Cœlo-Syria, Judea, and the neighbouring regions, gladly submitted to the conqueror, for the inhabitants were strongly attached to Egypt, whose yoke they had hitherto felt comparatively light. After the example of his predecessors, he expressed himself peculiarly favourable to the Jews, and proposed to offer sacrifices and gifts to the God of heaven, in Jerusalem. Unless we recollect and admit the peculiarity of the Jewish constitution, which implied supernatural interposition to favour the faithful or to punish. the unfaithful subjects of Jehovah, the Supreme King of Israel, we will doubtless regard as fabulous the historical records of Ptolemy's visit to the holy city, and its results. Some of the incidents are noticed by Josephus and Eusebius; but the fullest account is given by the unknown author of the work called "the Third Book of Maccabees." The external beauty of the temple and the solemnity of the service excited the curiosity of the king to examine the whole of the interior divisions. He was not the man to believe that his presence could defile the holy of holies.

The report of his presumptuous purpose soon spread over the city, and occasioned a great tumult. "The high-priest informed him of the holiness of the place; and the express law of God, by which he was forbid to enter it. The priests and Levites drew together in a body to oppose his rash design, which the people also conjured him to lay aside. And now, all places echoed with the lamentations which were