which followed that violation of the ordinance of '87, and devoted himself so faithfully to slaveholding interests as to merit and receive the name of "a Northern man with Southern principles." And yet, because he faltered in the single matter of Texan annexation, he was abandoned and deprived of the nomination, which not only he, but a decided majority of his party, desired and expected. This was neither forgotten nor forgiven. It intensified the bitter feud then raging between the "Hunker" and "Barnburner" wings of the New York Democracy, and resulted in the defeat of Silas Wright, whose candidacy for the gubernatorial chair in 1844 had unquestionably secured the electoral vote of the State for Mr. Polk. His death, occurring soon afterward, added to the indignation already felt in view of his defeat and of the means through which that defeat had been accomplished.

It was under such circumstances that the primary meetings were held at which delegates were chosen for the Democratic State convention to meet in Syracuse in October, 1847. On the assembling of the convention, it was found that there was a large number of contested seats. An informal agreement was entered into between the leaders of the radical and conservative wings of the party that a temporary organization should be effected, for the purpose of disposing of the "frivolously contested" cases, which, it was understood, were to be forced upon the convention. But that agreement was disregarded by the conservatives,- a breach of faith that embittered the minority, and led such men as Preston King, James S. Wadsworth, and other leading "Barnburners" to refuse to act as officers of the convention. Indeed, it was claimed by the New York" Evening Post" that it was only this determi nation to ignore the agreement that gave the conservatives the control of the convention.

The Wilmot proviso was the exciting and controlling issue. The discussion was conducted with great spirit and ability. A resolution, prepared by James R. Doolittle, afterward United States Senator from Wisconsin, was offered by David Dudley Field as an amendment to the report of the Committee on Resolutions. This amendment, while promising fidelity to

"the compromises of the Constitution" and to "the reserved rights of the States," pledged "uncompromising hostility to the extension of slavery into territory now free." Mr. Field made a powerful speech in its support. "I am willing," he said, "that our victorious standard should be borne to the Isthmus of Darien or planted on the highest peak of the Polynesian Islands; but the soil on which it advances must be free! Ay, as free as the untrammelled soil on which wo stand!"

The amendment was rejected and the resolutions were adopted, though it was claimed that the latter and the nominations were carried not only by an irregularly organized convention, but by a convention without a quorum.

Defeated at Syracuse, the radical Democrats met in convention on the 26th of October, at Herkimer, "to avow their principles and consult as to future action." It was strong in numbers, in talent, and in character, both personal and politi cal. Churchill C. Cambreling was made president, John Van Buren was appointed chairman of the Committee on the Address to the People, and David Dudley Field chairman of the Committee on Resolutions.

....

The address began by a recital and condemnation of the action of the Syracuse convention, which, it averred, after "its unjust and arbitrary decisions, sustained by partial reports, . . . . shrunk to a little more than a third of its origi nal size and expired." Adverting to its repression of the true sentiments of the people, and also alluding to the early antislavery history of New York, it claimed that, while that great State was "loyal to the Constitution," it was "true to freedom." It also referred to the great change which had taken place in public sentiment since the days of the Fathers; and it entered its protest against the promulgation of opinions so abhorrent in themselves, so aggressive in their influence, and leading to "the extension of an institution which is a source of insecurity and poverty in peace and of embarrassment and danger in war." Referring to the fidelity of the Democratic party of New York to the "real rights of the South" as an evidence of its devotion to the Constitution, it pro

claimed its purpose to resist aggression from the opposite direction.

Having discarded the action at Syracuse, the convention declined to nominate candidates for the ensuing election, leaving the matter in the hands of the people. Mr. Field reported a series of resolutions, which were unanimously adopted. Among them was one which had been rejected at Syracuse, and which pledged the uncompromising hostility of the Democracy of New York to the extension of slavery into free territory, then or thereafter to be acquired.

Though defeat followed these dissensions, proceedings equally uncompromising marked the action of that section of the party in regard to the presidential election, then close at hand. Two sets of delegates were chosen to attend the national nominating convention at Baltimore, cach claiming to be the sole representatives of the party, and the contest was transferred to the wider theatre of the national organization.

CHAPTER XI.

DEMOCRATIC AND WHIG NATIONAL CONVENTIONS OF 1848.

Democratic national convention. Position of the New York delegation. Declaration of the Georgia delegation. ― Remarks of Dickinson, Smith, Foster, King. Speech of Yancey. Right to take slavery into Territories avowed. - Excited debate. Both delegations admitted. Cass nominated. Minority report by Yancey.-Whig national conCampbell's resolution.

Hallett's resolutions. vention. Candidates. Conferences.

Taylor's nomination.

General Tilden's resolution. -Bingham's resolution. -Allen's declaration. Whig party dissolved. Ashmun takes issue with Mr. Allen.

Remarks of Mr. Galloway.

- Mr. Wilson's declaration.. Fillmore's nomination. Position of General Taylor. - Triumph of Slave Power.

On the 22d of May, 1848, the Democratic national convention met at Baltimore. The two rival delegations from New York demanding admission, a long and exciting contest arosc. A member from Georgia offered a resolution for the appointment of a committee on credentials of one from cach State, excepting New York, which should be entitled to two members. Mr. Hannagan of Indiana proposed that the resolution be laid upon the table, to enable him to move that cach delegate should pledge himself to support the nominee of the convention. Mr. Yancey of Alabama then moved to amend the resolution by striking out so much as related to New York. Speaking for the delegates chosen at Utica, Preston King deprecated the consignment of the question to a secret committee room, and distinctly avowed that they would never consent to have their claims passed upon without the fullest examination. Daniel S. Dickinson, speaking for the delegates chosen at Syracuse, expressed his willingness to trust their case to "twenty-nine Democratic sisters."

An organization was effected by the choice of Andrew Stevenson of Virginia as president. On the motion to retain the two-thirds rule, it was urged that there should be delay

till the New York question was settled. Mr. Yancey remarked that "if New York does not choose to go with us we will go without her." On the evening of the second day the Committee on Credentials reported a resolution providing that the Syracuse delegation should be admitted, on the ground that they had taken the pledge, proposed by the committee, to support the nominees of the convention, while the Utica delegation peremptorily refused.

This report led to an angry debate. The Georgia delega tion made the distinct announcement that they would not vote for a Wilmot-proviso man. Speaking for the delegates chosen at Syracuse, Mr. Dickinson characterized the call of the Herkimer convention as the beginning of the disorganization of New York; and he declared that the same character and tone which then prevailed were apparent at Utica. Maintaining that one of the great and cardinal principles of the Democratic party was organization, he said it was his carnest prayer that the required test of supporting the nominees of the convention, which had been described as a degrading one, might be accepted by all Dernocrats.

Mr. Smith, speaking in behalf of the Utica delegation, entered largely into the history of the party divisions of New York. The term "Barnburner," he said, resulted not from the Jacobinism of its members, but because they fought against patronage, corruption, and place. Denying that they were political Abolitionists, he said that, though they might be defeated, they could not be conquered. On the other hand, Mr. Foster pronounced the Wilmot proviso an abstraction that had no right in that body. Referring to the meeting at Utica, and to the prominent part taken by John Van Buren therein, he said that it grieved him to say that "the chief orator on that occasion was the son of a man who had received more from New York than it could ever contribute to any other man."

Preston King thanked Mr. Yancey for the frankness of the declaration that the candidate of that convention must be in favor of extending slavery into newly acquired territory; but he distinctly avowed that no pledge in advance to support its