Garibaldi or take his place? If not, of course it is the fault of the government they have been under so long, who have crushed out all development; but what sort of a people it must be, if a foreigner, with an army of foreigners, supported by "Native Chiefs" and their clans, make the only great force of the whole movement. One cannot always control his ideas and prejudices. I can never forget, in thinking of Sicily and the kingdom of Naples, that under the Roman government these countries were the great slave-provinces of the empire, and there seems to be a taint of degradation in the people ever since. It is not good stock. It was past six o'clock before we got off and left Palermo and Sicily behind us. The first cabin was not at all full. A few officers of different ages, and a girl, the daughter of one of them, were all who sat down to supper with us. On deck it was different. The men were wedged together there, and every inch was covered. Among the soldiers were some few Germans, and I talked some time with one of them, a goodnatured Viennese, who had served fourteen years in the Austrian army, and altogether had had quite a glorious career: Hungary in '48 and '49; Magenta and Solferino in '59; and now at Palermo. That is a curiously happy list for any one who seeks the bubble reputation. He told me all the story of his wrongs; how they had promised him thirty dollars bonus; cooked meals twice a day, and generally the life of a prince; and how on coming here he had found himself most outrageously sold; never received a cent of his money; lived like a dog, and for ten days since he landed at Palermo had eaten nothing but hard biscuits and raw pork. He was very good natured under his troubles, though, abusing Naples and the Neapolitans terribly, but seeming to think that nothing in the way of bad management had ever been known in his dear Austria. "They did not do things so there," he thought; and I did not try to convince him that they had done things much better. He was on the sick list, down with fever, and returning to Naples with some other sick and wounded. He said there had been a great many desertions in his battalion, which is new and not wholly formed yet. Indeed, I think he seemed, if anything, rather sorry that he had not deserted too; and though he scolded loud enough at Neapolitan cowardice, I do not think he seemed any more eager to storm the barricades than his betters had been. Such men as these are nothing to supply the place of the old Swiss regiments. His great hope now was that the report might be true, of the determined disbanding and dismissal of the whole corps, so that he might get back to his dear Vienna. Indeed, whether he stays or not, his military spirit is for the time gone. And so it must be with the whole army-all demoralized.

The captain was amusing as usual at supper. We drank the King's health with a proviso for his improvement, and discussed the political affairs largely. Every one is disgusted, or says he is. Half the army says it is rank treason that did the business; the other half says it was incompetence. I believe myself that if those generals had been fighting. for themselves instead of their King, they would have done much more than they have done; in other words, as royal generals they deserve to lose their heads. As men, their behavior may have been highly praiseworthy, perhaps; though it is at least a question, whether a man does well in accepting his ruler's favors and rewards, and then betraying him. To us Americans, all these Italian troubles reduce themselves simply to a single process, by which one more of the civilized races is forming

itself on the ground that we have always stood on, and taking up as its creed the same list of ideas that we have always declared to be the heart and soul of modern civilization. Feeling sure of the result, as we must, we can afford to be a little cooler than other people, and being so strongly prejudiced, we can almost be impartial. So about the King, I feel more pity than pleasure at his troubles. I never heard anything bad of him, except that he is stupid and governed by bad influence; but people who ought to know, have told me that he was a very good sort of a man, as men go. It is the fashion to abuse him, just as it is the fashion to abuse the Pope and the Grand Duke of Tuscany; but you would probably find that these are all good men enough, just as good and very likely a great deal better than you or I, or the writers in the London Times, who tear a passion to rags so splendidly. We, who are so far ahead on the winning side, can afford to try to be fair to the losers. The King of Naples is probably one of the few men in the Kingdom who has done nothing that he ought to be hung for.

It was curious to see, that night, how people can sleep. At about midnight, after finishing supper and smoking, and while every one was looking up their berths, I went forward to see how the soldiers managed to get along. They were lying all over the deck, tumbled down anywhere, and all snoring like hogs. They lay so thick and it was so dark that I trod on three or four who were in the way, but they did not mind it, and when the engineer, who was passing, kicked them out of the passage, they dragged themselves a few inches on one side, with a groan, but never woke up.

I was not so lucky. Recollecting my last night on board this boat, nothing could persuade me to go down below again, and so I appropriated a sofa in the upper cabin and with gloves on my hands to keep off the fleas, passed the night as well as might be, but little sleep enough came

The next morning all was still, bright and clear. The poor soldiers' wives on deck looked very unhappy, and some, who had fine dark eyes, and pretty olive complexioned faces, looked so pale and patiently sad that they might have made beautiful studies for Magdalens and Madonmax. Certainly sea-sickness is one of the trials of life which brings us all down soonest to our common humanity; these women seemed absoPutely refined by it, and their husbands and friends were as careful and gentle towards them as if they were all a set of refined and educated heroes and lovers.

We were crossing the bay of Naples at eight o'clock, and it seemed ex though we were coming home, it all looked so pretty and natural. Phanks to the captam's politeness, we, passengers, were put on shore at rices end were not stopped long by the police, whose great curiosity was know how it all looked in Sicily. Our information made them look o'r gorex or colors, as we had no particular motive to soften the story. NO BẠY EXCR Son to Palermo ended. Nothing could have been easier wwww! It is something to have seen the raw elements at ch one is no element oneself, and though before making a spiked one bad better wait until it is fairly settled what ske et all this, and whether he is not going to do more w the whirlwind that he is riding; still, a life has not esting, even if the only event in it were to have talked

with one of the most extraordinary of living men on the scene of his greatest success.

Naples is much as ever. It is the gayest and liveliest place in Italy. The Chiaja is swarming with carriages every afternoon, and the common people lounge about, useless to gods and men, but happy as life is long. Everything is military, but no one now believes in the army, and I have sometimes been dreadfully tempted to whisper "Garibaldi” and "Palermo" in the ears of some of these uniformed rascals, just to see what they would do. I do not believe they have self-respect enough to feel insulted. There have been rumors enough of intended demonstrations, but nothing has happened, and it is better so. They cannot do anything, without Garibaldi, and had better not try. There is a great deal of anxiety here; endless rumors of constitutions, insurrections, demonstrations and so forth, and just now the two vessels said to have been captured under American colors, are making a good deal of uneasiness in our part of the city.27

This letter is duller than usual. You will excuse it, for it is the last. I've tried to show you Italy as I've seen it, and now I have finished it all. ́ It would be interesting to stay this struggle out here, but it will take a long time, and, after all, the essential points of interest for us Americans are now tolerably secure. Recollect that Garibaldi and the Italians are after two separate objects; one is a Free Italy, and the other is a United Italy. These are two separate things, and though we all sympathize with their struggles for the first, we can afford to hold our own opinions as to the value of the last. That is purely a question of Italian politics, and interests us only as identically the same struggle now going on since fifty years in Germany, interests us; that is, as a minor question of local importance. Of course many people wont agree with this statement of the case, but I am contented to follow on this question the lead of Napoleon the Third. If you prefer to hold to Garibaldi, we can agree to differ amicably.

26 Via de Chiaia, a principal street.

H. B. A.

27 On June 11 the Fulminante, Neapolitan war-vessel, had come into Gaëta with two prizes, the small steamer Utile, Sardinian but first reported to be American, and the sailing-vessel Charles and Jane, of Bath, Maine. She had captured them on their way from Genoa to Cagliari, whence no doubt they were to proceed to Sicily, for the Charles and Jane had seven or eight hundred Garibaldians on board. Times, June 22, 26, Naples correspondence; Trevelyan, Garibaldi and the Making of Italy, p. 49. The despatches of the American minister, Joseph R. Chandler, in State Dept., Two Sicilies, vol. III., are for a time full of the outrage", but the ending of the kingdom of Naples presently ended the dispute.

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of the globe". Upon the other hand were the interests of commercial nations more concerned with their prosperity when at peace than with their advantage when at war". Both made for the freedom of the seas in time of peace, for both sought a régime of law upon the sea. In time of war all was changed. Sea-power asserted the legality of the Consolato. Land-power challenged it. Those states, strong neither on land nor at sea, hoping to be neutrals more often than belligerents, sought first to modify the rigorous rule of ownership, and its extensions, by treaty stipulations, and later by an appeal to the law of nature. The contests of commercial interests and the influence of these upon the practices of maritime capture during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries are well described. The bearings of the law of nature and of the spirit of enlightenment are insufficiently noticed. The connection between the doctrine of sea-freedom and that of territorial waters, as developed by Bynkershoek, is not indicated. With the short-lived FrancoBritish treaty of 1786, the century-old commercial antagonism upon the seas gave promise of abatement. The wars which so quickly followed contorted, and gave a radically different connotation to, the phrase freedom of the seas. Barère sought to use it to curb British sea-power in terms which have been recently familiar. The attempt to revive the claims of the Armed Neutrality of 1780, had they proved successful, would only have assisted in the establishment of the Continental System. Pickering realized in 1797 that European land-power unchecked by British sea-power would be intolerable, a conclusion long deferred, or resisted, by his recent successors in office. The nineteenth century sought to establish the freedom of the seas by a series of conventions, the last of which, the Declaration of London, is the chief relic of a fatuous optimism. The law of the sea of yesterday, in the judgment of the author, has been a failure (with which conclusion one may legitimately disagree), and she asks, "is it not time to tear up the poor fabric and rear a better law upon a better basis?" This question is sought to be answered in the concluding chapter. "The only possible solution. . . is international control of the seas through a league of nations." Admitting that in time of peace the seas are free, "As long as war on land is recognized, peace cannot arbitrarily be enforced on portions of the sea any more than upon the sea as a whole without producing inequalities that nations find intolerable". Therefore international control of the seas through a league of nations must be predicated upon the extinction of warfare upon land; something which the most devoted advocates of the league do not now claim for it. The alternative is "future contention for that so-called sea freedom which really means sea power". These predictions do not seem profound, though in the present situation one guess is possibly as good as another. They do not add much to the value of the book. To trace the various meanings of the phrase from the period of discoveries, through trade rivalries and contests of seapower, through the idealism of the nineteenth century to the shipwreck