keep more than two male Slaves, to work out for Hire, as Porters, Labourers, Fishermen or Handicraftsmen ".60

A third source of information respecting the value of the slave artisan and the growing effect of his competition with white labor, is the evidence contained in laws passed to prevent competition. Laws were enacted in South Carolina in 1712 and 1740 restricting the right of the master in hiring out his slaves unless the latter were under some person's care. It was also stipulated that the owner should receive all the wages earned by the slave.61 A by-law of the trustees of Georgia, in 1750, forbade any artificer, except coopers, to take negroes as apprentices, or planters to lend or to let out their slaves "to be employed otherwise than in manuring and cultivating their Plantations in the Country ".62 Later, in 1782, Virginia forbade masters to hire out their slaves and receive the pay.63

Miscellaneous evidence of the value and efficiency of slave artisans is the testimony of Hugh Jones, in 1724, already quoted.6* Governor Dinwiddie wrote in 1754 as follows: "I shall look cut for Negro Coopers tho' I fear Success as the Owners of such do not care to part with them, but shall do my Endeavour. If you can purchase or hire, I shall be very well pleased."65 A Virginia advertisement of a lottery, 1767, for disposing of lands and slaves, announced prizes of negro slave artisans with values, and certificates. of the same, given by two men who appraised them. One was a "fine sawyer and clapboard carpenter" with his wife and child, valued at £180; another was as good a sawyer as any in the colony, and understands clapboard work ", valued at £100; a third, "A very fine Mulatto woman [who] understands all kind of needle work," valued at £100; and a fourth, a mulatto woman who was a "very good mantua maker", valued at £100, including her child. On the other hand, there is some testimony to the effect that slave artisans were not efficient. Washington gives us an unfavorable impression of his negro sawyers and carpenters in 1760.67

60 S. C. Gaz., May 6, 1751.

66

61 Cooper, Statutes of S. C., VII. 363, 407-408.

62 Colonial Records of Georgia, ed. Candler, I. 58.

63 Hening, Statutes of Va., XI. 59.

64 Jones, op. cit., pp. 38-39. See also notes 25, 38.

65 Va. Hist. Soc. Coll., Dinwiddie Papers, I. 421.

66 Va. Gaz. (Purdie and Dixon), September 3, 1767.

67 Washington's Writings, ed. Ford, II. 147. Some advertisements indicate the artisan's degree of skill, in the opinion of the owner at least, or the amount of special training that he had obtained. For example there were offered for sale "Four negro men sawyers that can whet, set and lay Timbers". Another offer mentions two compleat Bricklayers-whose abilities in workmanship are inferior

But whatever the shortcomings of the slave artisans, the weight of evidence shows that there was a great increase in numbers; that they were of much greater value than untrained slaves; that they were much sought after; that they did compete with free white labor, especially in the towns; and finally that they were the most important agency in the rise of plantation manufactures. It is certain also that the negro slave artisan was an important agency in the commercial development of the southern colonies, first, in relation to the necessary manufactures connected with the export of tobacco, rice, and naval stores, the making of staves, hogsheads, and barrels; secondly, in the manufacture of staves and lumber and other forest products for export; thirdly, in the tanning industries, the making of leather for home consumption and for export. He was also a not inconsiderable factor in offsetting the evils of the English commercial system, in helping the planters to diversify farming and occupations, and in helping them to solve the most pressing problem of trade with England-that of avoiding almost certain debt and perhaps bankruptcy. By raising products more valuable than tobacco and manufacturing at home many articles. resulting from the new sources of raw material, and by utilizing the natural resources, the tendency to get more and more heavily in debt to English merchants was lessened. Indeed it is hard to see how the eighteenth-century plantation could have survived if the negro slave had not made his important contributions as an artisan, in the building and other trades, calling for skill in transforming raw materials into manufactured articles. The self-sufficiency of the southern colonies, made necessary by the Revolution, was more successful than it could have been if the negro slave artisan had not been developing for generations before. We may also believe that the relation of the negro slave to the later history of the plantation régime in the southern colonies, in its industrial as well as its agricultural aspect, was greatly influenced by the industrial training the slave received before the Revolution. Finally, we may conclude to none in this province, of their complexion, being brought up by a person well experienced in that business". More convincing of the possible skill of the negro slave is a "want advertisement": "Wanted in the Country immediately. on Hire by the Month or Year or job, two Negro Carpenters That can frame a Barn of any Dimensions or Plantation Out-Building on Sills". Negro artisans who had served a regular apprenticeship were of course likely to have the most skill in their trade. One such was offered for sale with this description, viz., ȧ negro carpenter who had served seven years to one of the "Compleatest House-joiners in the Province". S. C. Gaz., February 1, 1734/35, September 7, 1769, July 9, 1772; South Carolina and American General Gazette, February 7, 1770.

that the evidence given of the industrial training of the negro slave is important in estimating the development of his intelligence and his capacity for the acquisition of mechanical skill. The industrial discipline which the slave received in the pre-Revolutionary period both prepared the way for his freedom, and no doubt lessened the shock when it came, and laid the foundation for his later status in a modern industrial and agricultural society.

MARCUS W. JERNEGAN.

DOCUMENTS

Henry Adams and Garibaldi, 1860

IN the spring of 1860 Henry Adams, then twenty-two years of age, travelled southward through Italy. The reader of the Education of Henry Adams will certainly remember his May in Rome. The narrative proceeds (p. 93):

He went on to Naples, and there, in the hot June, heard rumors that Garibaldi and his thousand were about to attack Palermo. Calling on the American Minister, Chandler of Pennsylvania, he was kindly treated, not for his merit, but for his name, and Mr. Chandler amiably consented to send him to the seat of war as bearer of despatches to Captain Palmer of the American sloop of war Iroquois. Young Adams seized the chance, and went to Palermo in a government transport filled with fleas, commanded by a charming Prince Caracciolo.

He told all about it to the Boston Courier, where the narrative probably exists to this day, unless the files of the Courier have wholly perished.

The files of the Boston Courier have not wholly perished, though few copies survive. Of the seven Italian letters from Adams (to his brother Charles) printed there, the last two, and the only two that have any considerable historical interest, are those which are reprinted below, from the Courier of July 10 and July 13 respectively.

Readers of Mr. George M. Trevelyan's delightful volumes do not need to be told that there is no lack of material for the history of Garibaldi in Palermo, and the youthful Adams's letters add little of positive fact; yet we believe that many readers will be glad to see these sketches of a hero, viewed "at the moment of his greatest achievement and most splendid action" with the most penetrating of American eyes. Adams has described the interview in the Education, but that passage sets forth an old man's reflections upon what a young man saw. The letters printed below are plainly the writing of a very young man-but that young man was Henry Adams.

I.

PALERMO, June 9, 1860.

AT Naples we knew next to nothing about the state of things at Palermo, and there was a delicious uncertainty about having one's head knocked off or losing some of one's legs, that was gloriously exciting. Here from my room, looking out over the harbor and the bare old Monte Pellegrino, it all seems easy and simple enough, and quite a matter of

everyday life, but in Naples the prospect was like looking down the crater of Vesuvius. There on the morning of the 5th, I had to fly about from Department to Department, and never could have taken the first step towards getting here, if it had not been for the kindness of my friends, who pushed me along, and worked like beavers for me. After six hours of driving about in a sun that positively singed me, I got it all straight, and was put on board the steamer Capri, bound to Palermo, bearer of despatches to Capt. Palmer of the Iroquois and the American. Consul.1

The Capri was originally one of the Neapolitan line of steamers that run from Naples to Marseilles, but is now taken by Government to carry supplies to the garrison at Palermo. We took two brigs in tow, one of them laden with nothing but water. You can form an idea of the management of affairs from that one fact, that even the water for the troops had to be brought from Naples.

Three long hours we had to wait for the Captain, who was at Portici,3 getting despatches from the King. Unluckily, the King forgot him, and went to dinner, so he had to wait till dinner was over. When he did come aboard, he was as jolly a little fellow as I ever saw, flying about and chatting all the time like a whirligig. He spoke very fair English, too, and as we had the whole ship to ourselves, it was as comfortable as any one could desire.

The weather was exquisite and the sea calm, and as the sun set, we steamed slowly down the bay of Naples with the two vessels in tow. Towards ten o'clock, when I went on deck to take a last look before going to bed, the moon was rising and I could see the island of Capri still on our left, and away behind us the great fiery blotch on the side of Vesuvius.

As we came along into sight of Palermo we heard the reports and saw flashes and smoke of a quick cannonading. I watched it with a feeling of decided discomfort. The idea of being shot, occurred to me with new and unpleasant force. The Captain however consoled me with the assurance that Garibaldi had no cannon, and that this was probably an admiral's salute from the war-ships in the harbor. So we drank a bottle of beer together and told the anxious old gunner that he might have those four precious six-pounders of his unshotted. It was nine o'clock at night when we entered the harbor and passing a number of great ships of war, we came to anchor near the British admiral and there we lay all night.

The Captain's brother came to take supper with us and give us the latest news, which all parties seemed indifferent to; so when we had finished eating, we sat on deck smoking and talking and listening to a band which was playing waltzes on board the Hannibal. There was

1 Commander James S. Palmer, who afterward won great distinction, commanding the Iroquois under Farragut, at the passage of Vicksburg. The consul was Henry H. Barstow.

2 The Capri had taken part in the firing on Marsala after the landing of the Thousand there on May 11, and later, May 28-29, had brought reinforcements from Naples to Palermo. Rear-Adm. H. F. Winnington-Ingram, Hearts of Oak, p. 198; London Times, May 18, June 8.

3 Five miles from Naples, on the slopes of Vesuvius.

4 The flag-ship of the British squadron under Sir Rodney Mundy (Rodney's grandson).