Harry Hakes; secretary, Wesley Johnson; corresponding secretary, Abel Baker; librarian, D. S. Bennett. The approach of the centennial anniversary of the Wyoming battle stimulated the descendants of the heroes of that day to prepare for its suitable celebration. In the month of June, 1877, Steuben Jenkins and Calvin Parsons by chance met in WilkesBarre and conferred upon the subject and agreed that immediate action should be taken in the premises. The preliminary work was at once entered upon. Steuben Jenkins and Wesley Johnson sent out special invitations to the living descendants to meet at the court-house in Wilkes-Barre, July 3, 1877. The first meeting was therefore held on the ninety-ninth anniversary of the battle. Among others at this meeting were Hon. Steuben Jenkins, Hon. Edmund L. Dana, Gov. Henry M. Hoyt, Hon. Lazarus D. Shoemaker, Col. Charles Dorrance, Dr. Horace Hollister, of Providence, Priestly R. Johnson, Calvin Parsons and Wesley Johnson. A com Gen. Dana presided. Dr. Hollister and Mr. Jenkins made addresses. mittee of seventeen was appointed to report at a subsequent meeting-all of these were lineal descendants of the participants of the battle, as follows: Hon. Steuben Jenkins, Gen. Edmund L. Dana, Dr. Horace Hollister, Stewart Pearce, Col. Charles Dorrance, Hon. Lazarus D. Shoemaker, Ira Davenport, Jesse Harding, Col. Frank Stewart, Capt. Calvin Parsons, Dr. Andrew Bedford, Edward Wells, Steuben Butler, William Ross Maffit, Wesley Johnson, Hon. Peter M. Osterhout, Elisha Blackman; chairman, Steuben Jenkins. The members of the committee corresponded with the "seventeen townships"— the Connecticut claim. Steuben Jenkins was a grandson of Col. John Jenkins, of colonial times. Judge Dana was a grandson of the chivalric Anderson Dana, who had hurried from the Hartford assembly to lay down his life for freedom. Calvin Parsons is a descendant of the Dana stock on the maternal side. Dr. Hollister was of the family of Hollisters who lost their lives in the "First Massacre of Wyoming" in 1763. Stewart Pearce, author of a valuable history, Annals of Luzerne, was of the house of Lazarus Stewart. Col. Charles Dorrance, a grandson of Col. George Dorrance. Hon. L. D. Shoemaker was of the blood of Col. Denison and of Capt. Elijah Shoemaker. The latter was killed on the battle field. Jesse Harding, a representative of the Hardings, who were attacked in the field and killed by John Butler's men. Of the father and four sons only one, the grandfather of Jesse, escaped. Col. Frank Stewart, of the Lazarus Stewart blood. Hon. Steuben Butler was a son of Col. Zebulon Butler, who was in command of the patriot army. On the day of the meeting, except Mrs. Sally Abbott, daughter of Col. Nathan Denison, was the only living representative next in degree to the old patriots of the valley. Dr. Andrew Bedford's mother, Miss Sutton, was a girl ten years of age, in the fort. William Ross Maffit was nearest of kin to the brave Ross family, being a grandson of Gen. William Ross. The Davenports, of Plymouth, were among the early settlers of the valley. Wesley Johnson is a grandson of the pioneer preacher. Jacob Johnson was present, but was detailed to stay at the fort. He was the secretary in drawing the papers of capitulation. Since the above was in press, Wesley Johnson died in Wilkes-Barre, in the latter part of October, 1892. The Blackmans were prominent in the darkest of those dark days here. July 18 following the committee met, when Mr. Jenkins submitted a plan of organization, and a general meeting called for July 25. The association was organized at the meeting, July 25, 1877, and the work of preparation for holding a suitable centennial was fully inaugurated and was actively advanced along all the different lines by the different committees. January 1, 1878, the centenary year of the battle, was marked by a large meeting of citizens assembling on the historic spot, at the call of the association. Dr. Harry Hakes delivered a discourse on the objects of the association and the approaching centennial meeting-the main purpose being to make July 3, 1878, the memorable day of Wyoming valley. Col. Samuel Bowman and Hubbard B. Payne also delivered short addresses. The "Old Sullivan gun was brought out and several shots fired from it. It was broken off below the trunions and was examined with great curiosity. The gun had been brought over the mountains in 1779 by Gen. Sullivan from Easton and had been buried on the farm of the Denisons, as it was too heavy to carry on his trip up the Susquehanna. Constant meetings were now held by the executive committee, and from every hand came assurances that July 3 would be indeed a memorable day. The day came in fulfilment of all this preparation and the city and boroughs near the battle ground were decorated, and everywhere flags were fluttering and marching bands and music filled the air. Thousands of people were abroad, the streets and roads lined with the living masses and the railroad trains on every road were constantly arriving bearing their living human freight. A special train with the president of the United States and governor of Pennsylvania, their respective staffs and numerous honored guests reached Wilkes-Barre on the forenoon of the third. And the greatest day in the annals of Wyoming valley was inaugurated. The procession was an elaborate affair-representing even the earliest pioneer times with a band of genuine Indians brought here for the occasion; the industries of modern times were appropriately represented; many of the States were represented by their most prominent men; many buildings were handsomely decorated, and many poems and addresses were made on the grounds. It was estimated there were 50,000 people in attendance at the monument. Col. Wright made an appropriate address of welcome. The presidential and governor's party were welcomed by an address by Gov. Hoyt. At the monument a beautiful ode by Mrs. Waters ("Stella of Lackawanna") was read. The address of C. A. I. Chapman was an eloquent tribute to the illustrious dead. Rev. Charles Dana Barrows, of Lowell, Mass., read a poem-a tribute to the Massachusetts women of Wyoming. Then came the address of Judge Edmund L. Dana, whose grandparents-Dana and Stevens-were killed in the Wyoming battle. The address had been carefully prepared, but the program extending over more time than had been anticipated, was not read. An ode, "Fair Wyoming," by Miss Susan E. Dickinson, set to music, was then sung. Jenkins' Address.-The crowning event of the first day, after short speeches by the president, governor, Hon. John Sherman, Senator Buckalew, Atty. -Gen. Devans and others, was the historical address by Steuben Jenkins a scholarly man, the best equipped of the day to make the centennial historical address over the bones of the fallen heroes of Wyoming. He was among the last of the living immediate descendants of this Spartan band. He had made a careful and intelligent study of the subject all his life, and had in his possession the amplest possible materials concerning the history of those early and trying times of the pioneers. A man ripe in learning, large in patriotism, and deep in devotion to his country and the liberties of its people, the hour and the man were admirably fitted to the important. occasion, so much so that the act itself was historical. His heart and brain were profoundly stirred in the work of preparation of this address; he must have known that it was the crowning act of his long and useful life, and he rose to his highest reach and condensed in a brief address an incomparable amount of the century's history of one of the supremest movements of mankind in all history and in all time. He commenced with a brief contrast in the conditions of the country then and now; an explanation that these defenders who fought and mostly fell were not soldiers-not an army, but mostly aged men, youths and a few others not able to be in the active army in the field; that they were without any military organization and without the equipments of an army; a peaceful, pioneer, agricultural race of men, content to till the soil and feed their flocks, but a people who loved liberty and hated the tyrant, and therefore as soon as they heard of the battles of Concord and Lexington had called a town meeting and unanimously voted a genuine Declaration of Independence, and at the call of their country sent all their able-bodied men to Washington's army. In 1776 John Jenkins, representative from Westmoreland to the Connecticut assembly, had obtained the right to erect here a powder mill; the town had voted a bounty of £10 to the "first man that shall make fifty weight of good saltpeter;" on the promulgation of the immortal Declaration of Independence a town meeting was called and it was voted to at once commence erecting forts; to raise two companies of soldiers, and forts were erected at Kingston, Upper WilkesBarre (Mill Creek) and at Wilkes-Barre proper; "Jenkins Fort," in Exeter township; West Pittston, Hanover and Plymouth (Stewart block house). The general campaign of 1777 opened amid gloom and despondency; Burgoyne with a powerful army was descending along Lake Champlain and the Hudson river and Howe was moving up the river to join him and they were rapidly taking the Indians into the British service and the people of the valley or Westmoreland county began to take the precaution of sending parties up the river to watch the movements of the Indians; the tories were now encouraged to open activity, and the people learned that constant communication was being carried on with the tories about Tunkhannock and the Indians above. February 13, 1778, Amos York and Lemuel Fitch were carried off as prisoners to Niagara. Richard Fitzgerald was captured by the same band, but was so old that he was discharged from custody; these prisoners were kept all winter at Niagara and reported seeing there many tories from the upper Susquehanna; added to all the other calamities the small-pox raged in every district and the people were helpless against its attacks, yet in all these misfortunes and discouragements on D-cember 30, 1777, the people at a town meeting of Westmoreland voted to supply “ye sogers' wives and sogers' widows and their families with the necessaries of life. The British policy, early in 1776, was to employ the Indians and tories in carrying on marauds and invasions on the unprotected frontiers and the people here well knew that a most inviting field for these pitiless forays was down the Susquehanna to the Wyoming settlement. Yet at the request of congress this people sent to the continental army Durkee's and Ransom's companies, which included about all the able-bodied young men in the settlement-patriotic, indeed! but as rash an act of devotion and self sacrifice as ever was performed by a people. When the war cloud began to gather in the north the people promptly informed congress and begged for the return of their two companies of soldiers, whose families and their helpless friends were menaced by the savages as well as the invaders. In the midst of these accumulating terrors suddenly appeared in the settlement Lieut. John Jenkins, who had escaped from his captors in Canada. York and Fitch, who had been captured with him, had been released at Montreal, and they had been put on board a transport to be sent to New England. Fitch died on board the vessel and York only lived to reach his friends in Voluntown, Conn., and died. Jenkins arrived at home June 2, and brought information that a great number of tories from up the river had wintered at Montreal and threatened to return and punish their enemies in Wyoming. [This is italicized for the purpose of fixing it in the reader's mind, as bearing on the theory, not much advanced, but believed by some, that Butler's invasion was at the suggestion of certain parties that had been suspected of being unfriendly to the Yankees and had been driven away.] The story of Jenkins confirmed the worst fears of the people. June 5 there was a general Indian alarm spread, caused by six white men (said to be tories) appearing at Tunkhannock and taking prisoners Elisha Wilcox, Pierce and one or two others and they plundered several of the inhabitants. Hastening messengers were sent to Washington and to the soldiers in the army from the valley, telling of the gathering perils, and the inhabitants set to work strengthening the stockades and rude forts. June 12, 1778, William Crooks and Asa Budd went up the river and reached a point about two miles above Tunkhannock, and from the house of John Secord they were fired upon, and Crooks was killed. On the 17th a party of five went up the river from Jenkins' fort. The canoe in which were Miner Robbins, Joel Phelps and Stephen Jenkins, was fired upon; Robbins was killed and Phelps wounded. Capt. Hewitt, with a scouting party, went up the river June 30, and hastily retiring, reported a large body of the enemy coming. At Jenkins fort, about a mile above Wintermoot fort, were gathered the families of John Jenkins, Capt. Stephen Harding, the Hadsalls, John Gardiner, and others. On the morning of June 30, and before Capt. Hewitt's return, Benjamin Harding, Stukely Harding, Stephen Harding, Jr., John Gardiner, and a lad named Rogers, aged eleven, James Hadsall and his sons James and John, and his sons-in-law Ebenezer Reynolds and Daniel Carr, together with Daniel Wallen and a negro named Quocko, a servant of William Martin-twelve in all, went up the river to Exeter to their farm labors. It is only known that Benjamin and Stukely Harding took their guns with them, though some of the others may have had theirs. The Hardings, with Gardiner and the boy Rogers, worked in the cornfield of Stephen Harding, Jr.; the Hadsells and the others, part in Hadsall's cornfield on the island, part in his tanyard, close at hand, on the main land. Late in the afternoon two suspected tories approached these men at work and offered to stand guard for them. This aroused suspicions, and Stephen Harding at once went for the horses, and when he returned his companions had quit work and started homeward, and he followed. On the way down was a deep, narrow ravine. This spot is near the Baptist church, between that and the river. As they passed this spot they were fired on; Benjamin and Stukely Harding were wounded. Indians now rushed upon them, and the men fought for their lives, but fell. John Gardiner, having no arms, was taken prisoner. The dead Hardings had left all about their mutilated bodies the abundant evidences of their unconquerable bravery. In the meantime another party of Indians had captured James Hadsall, his son-inlaw Carr, and the negro, at the tannery. Those on the island came off in canoes, The Here and as they ascended the bank were ambushed and fired upon, killing James Hadsell and wounding Reynolds, who fled with Wallen. The boy, John Hadsell, had remained at the canoe, and, on hearing the firing, fled to the woods. He was the first to arrive at the fort and give the awful news. The elder Hadsell, Gardiner, Carr and the negro were taken up the creek two miles to the Bailey farm, where Hadsall and the negro were put to death, horribly tortured to give an evening's entertainment. Stephen Harding Jr., Reynolds, Wallen and the boy Rogers fled through the woods, wandering all night and reached the fort the next morning. This sad story roused the people to a wild frenzy of apprehensions. John Gardiner, prisoner, was taken to near Geneva, N. Y., and put to death. His fellow prisoner, Daniel Carr, saw his mutilated remains the next day after he was tortured to death. This was the bloody prelude to the far more terrible story of "Bloody Wyoming." On the morning of July 3, Col. John Butler sent a flag of truce to Forty fort demanding an unconditional surrender. "On the afternoon of the 2d and the morning of the 3d," says Dr. Harry Hakes, "councils of war were held in the fort to determine what best to do. Not only did the subordinate officers demand to be heard in the council, but the men all seem to have had their say. Such a state of affairs could not and would not be tolerated in a regular army, but with this undisciplined, unorganized force, assembled hastily together, made up largely of material that would be rejected by a regular army, the whole of it in a perfect frenzy of fear and full of dismal forebodings, perhaps not much else could be expected. The opinions of those who by profession, discipline and experience were best qualified to estimate the situation, went for no more than those of the inexperienced and untried. The real point to be decided resolved itself into this: Should they remain in fort for the present, until reinforcements should arrive, standing on the defensive, and endeavoring to find out the strength and position of the enemy; or should they go out at once and hunt him up and give him battle? The superior officers were in favor of the first proposition, while the large majority demanded to be led at once to battle. The forces that were expected were the remainder of the Wyoming men with Washington, who had a few days previous been merged into one company under Capt. Spalding, and a company of thirty-five men from Huntington and Salem under the command of Capt. John Franklin. That Col. Zebulon Butler must have known to almost a certainty that these two bodies of men were near at hand is quite conclusively shown by the fact that Franklin and his men reached the fort a few hours after the battle, and Spalding's company was within one day's journey of the valley, although it retraced its march on hearing that the battle had taken place. The majority argued that the enemy would either besiege the fort or spread over the valley, carrying devastation and death. What the enemy's plans were, we do not certainly know; nor did our people. We can only judge by their acts. Two things are certain our people decided to make an attack, and the enemy knew just when, and chose his own ground. The contention in the fort was angry and loud, if not logical. A single instance will suffice to show the order, or disorder, of the occasion. Capt. Stewart was in favor of immediate action, and told Col. Butler that if he did not lead them out at once to battle, he would take his company and go home. We must remember that this was a popular assembly, rather than an organized and disciplined army, where each man must know his place and duty. Like popular assemblies for civil purposes, the majority decided-a safe enough rule for most civil purposes, but in such a case, brim full of danger. On the afternoon of the 2d, and again on the morning of the 3d, the British commander sent down under the flag of truce a demand for the surrender of the fort. This demand was in both cases refused. In that decision our men were unanimous. It may perhaps be doubted if the demand was made so much with any expectation of surrender as it was to thus safely get an idea of our strength, preparation and intentions. It answered both purposes. Between 2 and 3 o'clock in the afternoon of July 3, 1778, our forces marched out of the fort and started up the valley in search of the enemy. Upon arriving about where the Agricultural Fair Grounds are now located, the enemy was first discovered already drawn up in line of battle, his left wing composed of his regulars under the command of Col. John Butler, resting a short distance below Fort Wintermoot, which was in flames; his center composed of tories, and his right composed of his Indians, thus extending the line nearly half a mile, and resting on the border of a dense swamp, a large portion of his Indians being entirely concealed in the swamp. The ground between the respective forces was nearly level, and was covered by a growth of shrub oaks, about four or five feet in hight, interspersed with a number of yellow pine trees. Extending from Fort Wintermoot northwardly, in the direction of the line of battle, there was a long and narrow clearing containing some two or three acres. The line of march up the valley by our army brought it in front of the enemy's left wing. Our forces were |