your angry feelings for an instant, and believe me that I am far f thinking that you have no good ground for resentment. It must be most painful to the proprietors of this county to be stripped in au instant of all their influence; to be left destitute of all sort of sway over their dependants, and to see a few demagogues and priests usurping their natural authority. This feeling of resentment must be aggravated by the consciousness that they have not deserved such a return from their tenants; and as I know Sir Edward O'Brien, to be a truly benevolent landlord, I can well conceive that the apparent ingratitude with which he was treated, has added to the pain which every landlord must experience; and I own that I was not surprised to see tears upon his eyelids, while his face was inflamed with the emotions to which it was not in human nature that he should not give way. But let Sir Edward O'Brien, and his fellow-proprietors, who are gathered about him, recollect, that the facility and promptitude with which the peasantry have thrown off their allegiance, are owing not so much to any want of just moral feeling on the part of the people, as to the operation of causes for which the people are not to blame. In no other country, except in this, would such a revolution have been effected. Wherefore? Eccause in no other country are the people divided by the law from their superiors, and cast into the hands of a set of men, who are supplied with the means of national excitement by the system of government under which we live. Surely no man can believe that such an anomalous body as the Catholic Association could exist, excepting in a community which had been alienated from the state by the state itself. The discontent and the resentment of seven millions of the population have generated that domestic government, which sways public opinion, and uses the national passions as the instruments of its will. It would be utterly impossible, if there were no exasperating distinctions amongst us, to create any artificial causes of discontent. Let men declaim for a century, and if they have no real grievance their harangues will be empty gound and idle air. But when what they tell the people is true-when they are sustained by substantial facts, effects are produced, of winea what has taken place at this election is only an example. The whole body of the people having been previously excited, the moment any incident, such as this election, occurs, all the popular passions start simultaneously up, and bear down every obstacle before them. Do not, therefore, be surprised that the peasantry should throw off their alle giance, when they are under the operation of emotions which it would be wonderful if they could resist. The feeling by which they are actuated, would make them not only vote against their landlord, but would make them scale the batteries of a fortress, and mount the breach ; and, gentlemen, give me leave to ask you, whether, after a due reflection upon the motives by which your vassals (for so they are accounted) are governed, you will be disposed to exercise any measure of severity ju their regard. I hear it said, that before many days go by, there will be many tears shed in the hovels of your slaves, and that you will take a terrible vengeance. I trust that you will not, when your own passions shall have subsided, and your blood has had time to cool, persevere

in such a cruel, and let me add, such an unjustifiable determination Consider whetner a great allowance should not be made for the offence which they have committed. If they are under the influence of fanaticism, such an influence affords many circumstances of extenuation :you should forgive them, "for they know not what they do." They have followed their priests to the hustings, and they would follow them to the scaffold. You will ask, wherefore they should prefer their priests to their landlords, and have a higher reverence for the altars of their religion, than for the counter in which you calculate your rents? Consider a little the relation in which the priest stands towards the peasant. I will take for my example an excellent landlord and an excellent priest. The landlord shall be Sir Edward O'Brien, and the priest shall be Mr. Murphy of Corofin. Who is Sir Edward O'Brien? A gentleinan who from the windows of a palace, looks upon possessions almost As wide as those which his ancestors beheld from the summit of their feudal towers. His tenants pay him their rent twice a-year, and have their land at a moderate rate. But what are his claims, when put into comparison with those of Mr. Murphy of Corofin, to the confidence, to the affection, and to the fidelity of the peasants who are committed to Eis care? He is not only the minister of that humble altar at which their forefathers and themselves were taught to kneel, but he is their kind, their familiar, yet most respected friend. In their difficulties and distresses they have no one else to look to; he never fails when consalted by them, to associate his sympathy with his admonition; for their sake he is ready to encounter every hazard, and, in the performance of the perilous duties incident to his sacerdotal office, he never hesitates to expose his life. In a stormy night, a knocking is heard at the door of the priest of Corofin. He is told that at the foot of the mountain a man of guilt and blood has scarcely more than an hour to live. Will the teacher of the gospel tarry because of the rain and of the wind, and wait until the day shall break, when the soul of an expiring sinner can be saved, and the demons that are impatient for him can still be scared away? He goes forth in the blackness of the tempestuous midnight— he ascends the hill, he traverses the morass-and faint, and cold, and dripping, finds his way to the hovel where his coming is awaited;—wita what a gasping of inarticulate gratitude--with what a smile of agony is he welcomed! No fear of contagion, no dread of the exhalations of mortality, reeking from the bed of the pestilential man can appal him, but kneeling down at the side of the departing culprit, and sustaining him in his arms, he receives from lips impregnated with death, the whisper with which the heart is unloaded of its mysteries, and, raising up his eyes to heaven, pronounces the ritual of absolution in the name of Him of whose commission of mercy he is the befitting bearer, and whose precepts he illustrates in his life and inculcates in his example. And can you feel wonder and resentment that under the influence of such a man as I have described to you, your dependants should have ventured upon a violation of your mandates? Forgive me if I venture to supplicate, on behalf of your tenants, for forbearance. Pardon them, in the name of one who will forgive you your offences in the

came measure of compassion which you will show to the trespasses of those who have sinned against yourselves. Do not persecute these poor people don't throw their children upon the public road, and send them forth to starve, to shiver, and to die. For God's sake, Mr. Fitz gerald, as you are a gentleman and a man of honour, interpose your influence with your friends, and redeem your pledge. I address myself personally to you. On the first day of the election you declared that you would de recate persecution, and that you were the last to wish that vindictive measures should be employed. I believe you-and I all upon you to redeem that pledge of mercy, to perform that great moral promise. You will cover yourself with honour by so doing, in the same way that you will share in the ignominy that will attend upon any expedients of rigour. Before you leave this country to assume your high functions, enjoin your friends with that eloquence of which you are the master, to refrain from cruelty and not to oppress their tenants. Tell them, Sir, that instead of busying themselves in the worthless occupation of revenge, it is much fitter that they should take the political condition of their country into their deep consideration. Tell them that they should address themselves to the legislature, and implore a remedy for these frightful evils Tell them to call upon the men, in whose hands the destiny of this great empire is placed to adopt a system of peace, and to apply to Ireland the great canon of political morality--pacis imponere morem. Let it not be imagined that any measure of disfranchisement, that any additional penalty, will afford a remedy. Things have been permitted to advance to a height from which they cannot recede. Protestants, awake to a sense of your condition. What have you seen during this election? Enough to make you feel that it is not a mere local excitation, but that seven millions of Irish people are completely arrayed and organized. That which you behold in Clare, you would behold, under similar circumstances, in every county in the kingdom. Did you mark our discipline, our subordination, our good order, and that tranquillity, which is formidable indeed? You have seen sixty thousand men under our command, and not a band was raised, and not a forbidden word was uttered in that amazing multitude. You have beheld an example of our power in the almost miraculous 3obriety of the people. Their lips have not touched that infuriating beverage to which they are so much attached, and their habitual propensity vanished at our command. Is it meet and wise to leave us armed with such a dominion? Trust us not with it; strip us of this appalling power; disarray us by equality; instead of angry slaves make us contented citizens; if you do not, tremble for the result.

CLONMEL AGGREGATE MEETING.

SPEECH MADE AT AN AGGREGATE MEETING IN CLONMEL DURING THE

ASSIZES.

THE assizes held for this, the great county of Tipperary, exhibit a deplorable spectacle of turbulence and of guilt. I consider it to be my duty to address to this inmense assembly, composed of several thousands, and comprehending a vast body of the peasantry, some wellmeant advice. You are well aware that in the course which I have adopted, I have not displayed a pusillanimous spirit, and that I am deeply sensible of the wrongs which are inflicted upon my country. What I shall say, therefore, in the shape of strong reproof, will be taken in good part. I tell you undisguisedly, that although I consider the government to have adopted unavailing and inapplicable means for the restoration of tranquillity, yet that I look upon the crimes committed amongst you with dismay. What have I not witnessed in the course of the few days which the assizes have occupied! What a stain have those crimes left upon the character of your country! Look at the murder of the Sheas-look at the midnight conflagration in which eighteen of your fellow-creatures perished, and tell me if there be anything in the records of horror by which that accursed deed has been excelled! In that night which stands without a parallel-a child was born in fire-transferred from the womb to flames, kindled by fiends, who exulted round the furnace with whose roaring the shrieks of agony were mingled! What must have been the pains of that delivery ir. which a mother felt the infant that was clasped against her bosom consumed by the fires with which she was surrounded! The mother was found dead near a tub of water, in which she had plunged her infant, and the child was discovered with its skull burned off, while the rest of the limbs were preserved by the water in which the expiring parent had striven in the united pains of death and child-birth to preserve it. With what exclamation shall we give vent to the emotions which are awakened by the recital of that which you tremble to hear, and which there were human beings found who were not afraid to do! We can but lift up our hands to the God of justice, and ask him why he has invested us with the same forms as the wretches who did that unexampled murder. Although accompanied by circumstances of inferior terrer, the recent assassination of Barry belongs to the same class of guilt, A body of men, at the close of day, enter a peaceful habitation, on the Sabbath, and regardless of the cries of a frantic woman, who, grasp ing one of the murderers, desired him "to think of God, and of the olessed night, and to spare the father of her eight children," dragged him forth, and when he "offered to give up the ground tilled and untilled, if they spared him his life," answered with a yell of ferocious irony, and telling him "he should have ground enough," plunged their bayonets into his heart! An awful spectacle was presented on the trial of the wretched individuals who were convicted of the assassi

nation. At one extremity of the bar stood a boy, with a blooming face, and with down on his cheek, and at the other an old man, in the close of life, with a haggard look, and a deeply furrowed countenance, with his head covered with hoary and dishevelled hair. However remote the periods of their birth, they met not, indeed, in the same grave, (for they are without a tomb,) but on the same scaffold together. In describing the frightful scene, it is consoling to find that you share with me in the unqualified detestation which I have expressed; and I am convinced that it is unnecessary to address to you any further observation on the subject. But I must call your attention to another trial -that of the Hogans, which affords a melancholy lesson. The trial was connected with the baneful practice of avenging the affronts offered to individuals, by enlisting whole clans, who wage an actual war, aud fight sanguinary battles whenever they encounter. I am very far from saying that the deaths which occur in these barbarous combats are to be compared with the guilt of preconcerted assassination, but that they are accompanied with deep criminality, there can be no question, an the system which produces them is as much marked with absurdity as it is deserving of condemnation. In this country a man who chances to receive a blow, instead of going to a magistrate to swear informations, lodges a complaint with his clan, who enter into a compact to avenge the insult-a reaction is produced, and an equally extensive confederacy is formed on the other side. All this results from an indisposition to resort to the law for protection, for amongst you it is a point of honour not to have recourse to any of the legitimate means provided for your redress. The battle waged between the Hickeys and the Hogans, in which not less than five hundred men were engaged, presents in a strong light the consequences of this most strange and absurd system. Some of the Hickey party were slain in the field, and four of the Hogans were tried for the murder; they were found guilty of mauslaughter, and are to be immediately transported; three of them are married and have families, and from their wives and children are condemned to separate for ever. In my mind these unhappy men have been doomed to a fate still more disastrous than those who have perished on the scaffold. In the calamity which has befallen Matthew Hogan, of whom most of you have heard, every man in court felt a sympathy. With the exception of his having made himself a party in the feuds of his clan, he has always conducted himself with propriety. His landlord felt for him a strong regard, and exerted himself to the utmost in his behalf. He never took part in deeds of nocturnal atrocity-honest, industrious, mild, and kindly-natured, he was seconded by the good-will of every man who was acquainted with him. His circumstances were not only comparatively good, but, when aken in reference to his condition in society, were almost opulent. He rather resembled an English yeoman than an Irish peasant. His appearance at the bar was in a high degree impressive-tall, athletic, with a face finely formed, and wholly free from any ferocity of expression, he attracted every eye, aud excited even among his prosecutors a feeling of commiseration. He formed a remarkable contrast with the ordinary class of culprits lo