purpose of giving assertion and extension to their rights. To such a maa great praise is due, and, believe me, he will not stop here. le will teach the power and efficiency of a simultaneous but pacific assemblage of seven millions of people, and I may conjecture what he will do, by what he has already achieved. He will not be slow in adopting that fine suggestion, that the cry for liberty should be mingled with the voice of prayer, and that from the altars of God an invocation should be offered, to touch our rulers with the spirit of justice, to illuminate their minds, and awaken in them a sense of the perils of the empire. And let it not be said that it is unmeet to do so. If we call for the rain from heaven, or ask for the shining of the sun; if for grass and corn we are permitted to submit our orisons, who will say that for the great harvest of long and golden prosperity, for the maturing of those events of which the seeds have been already deeply sown—who will say that for these great objects it is unfit that we should offer up our prayers? But let me not deviate into matter which affords too wide a field for present expatiation. The office of gratitude is more pleasurable than the indulgence of even the most sanguine expectation of future good; and I shall therefore conclude by moving the following resolution::-"That the Right Rev. Doctor Kelly, the Catholic Bishop of Waterford, by commencing the Catholic census in his diocese, has conferred a great obligation upon his country, and deserves its thanks."

PRAYER FOR EMANCIPATION.

SPEECH ON MR. O'CONNELL'S MOTION, THAT A PRAYER BE OFFERED UP IN EVERY ROMAN CATHOLIC CHAPEL FOR EMANCIPATION.

I AM of opinion that a prayer for liberty should be incorporated with: the liturgy of the Catholic Church. It is idle to insist that such a measure should originate with the bishops. I have no doubt that we shall have their individual assent to the proposition, although they may not deem it judicious to recommend it in their corporate capacity. It is enough that they should permit the utterance of the prayer, without enjoining its adoption. The spirit which actuates the great body of the clergy will induce them to act in conformity with our suggestion: and there is not a prelate in the land who would so far deviate from the course which has been hitherto pursued by the head of our churchas to issue an injunction against the use of so just, so reasonable, and 30 consistent an orison. Let us not at least anticipate any episcopal veto upon this great expedient. The Roman Catholic hierarchy are united with us in political sentiment. There is not one among them who does not personally applaud our conduct, although they do not deem it accordant with their spiritual character to take a visible ard outward participation in our proceedings. The fact, that they have selected the period of our sittings for their own session affords proof

of their desire that the two great assemblies which represent the wishes of the Irish people-should be convened and act together.-They are virtually in correspondence with the Association; and have transmitted to us in an almost official shape the resolutions passed by their body. I therefore dismiss the argument pressed on the other side, that we are interfering with their legitimate province. But it is said that political matter should not be blended with religious practices, and that the call for freedom is not an object of prayer. I hold the Catholic Litany in my hand. It was given me by a Catholic priest on entering this room-let us examine the contents of the Litany as it stands, and determine how far the addition of the proposed prayer is in conformity with the character of the established supplication. I find in the first place a prayer for the preservation "of the fruits of the earth." Our physical wants have thus become the objects of our spiritual aspirations. But I may be called on to show, that political matter is already introduced into the Litany. I accept the challenge "vouchsafe to give peace and true concord to Christian Kings and Princes." In other words, "preserve the Holy Alliance." But I should not upon such an occasion indulge in the spirit of sarcastic jest. What follows is much better; "vouchsafe to grant peace and unity to all Christian people." This is truly a noble and exalted desire; and its use amongst us evinces how little we are swayed by views of a narrow and sectarian character.. We do not pray for peace and unity among all Catholic people. We do not limit our wishes to the benefit of those who coincide with us in our religious tenets we implore the Almighty to grant peace and unity, (those paramount and surpassing blessings) to all the nations by whom a belief in the Divine Redeemer of mankind is professed. But, Mr. Chairman, I am arguing this question with too much minuteness and formality, and treating it as if it really stood in need of an inductive series of reasoning, when the propriety and the consistency of such a prayer are matters so obvious, that argument seems to be wasted upon them. I shall take a bolder ground, and one more fitted to the time, and becoming the closing hours of the political existence of this body. I care not whether there be a prayer in the Litany for concord or unityI care not whether there be in the appendix to the liturgy, a prayer against earthquakes, tempests, famine, and pestilence. But abandoning all reliance upon authority, and putting form and precedent aside, I ask of this great assembly, whether it be an offence against religion to call upon the Almighty to save us or our children from the horrors of a political convulsion, to which the system pursued in its regard is precipitating this unfortunate country? I have spoken boldly and abruptly. It is not matter for hints and inuendoes. I speak without fear, because I cannot justly incur reproach; and I am myself as much disposed as any one of those who are inclined to attribute to me motives es preposterous as they are wicked, to deprecate the frightful calamities, which, if a change of policy be not adopted, will fall at last upon this country. Let it be understood. I am not alluding to events that will happen in our time. It is not likely that

66

they who "sow the storm" will reap the whirlwind." I, and every man that hears me, and most of the enemies of our political rights will, probably, be lying in the grave before the arrival of the dreadful results upon which I protest to God that I look with unaffected dismay. The case stands simply thus:-There are seven millions, or at all events, nearly that number of Roman Catholics in Ireland. Their wealth, their intelligence, their public spirit, their union, their com munity of purpose, and their unalterable determination to prosecute their political rights are every day on the increase. Acts of Parliament are as bonds of flax. Every effort which has been made to extinguish the desire for freedom with its hope has been utterly without effect. The denunciations of the heir to the throne have only tended to add indignation to resolve. The number of public meetings has of late exceeded all prior example of popular assemblies in Ireland-and the rank, the talent, and the energy, and the intrepid spirit manifested in these vast convocations, afford the most convincing indications of the rapid and formidable advancement of the national mind. I doubt not that this progression may go on pacifically for ten, fifteen, or perhaps for twenty or more years; but is there a man who knows any thing of human nature, who can, for a moment, indulge in the idle hope that a crisis will not at last arrive, and that this monstrous and most anomalous state of things will not generate some frightful results? Can things stand as they are? No! It is impossible. It is out of all calculation of contingency. There is hardly a man here that does not remember the horrors of 1798. The scenes of blood which were enacted in that brief period, would, in all likelihood, be greatly exceeded in atrocity in a future and better organized convulsion; but yet they were sufficiently frightful to make any man look forward with horror to their recurrence. Is it unmeet that we should implore Providence to enlighten the minds of our rulers, and instruct them in the wisdom of mercy, and the policy of toleration, which will effectually prevent the disasters of which I have drawn this black but rapid sketch? Is it unmeet to call upon Heaven to disperse the cloud that is gathering in the horizon, though years must pass before it bursts upon our heads ? Is it unmeet to pray to God with all the ardour of which the heart of man is capable, to prevent a return of the scenes of which we have already had so bitter an experience? Is it unmeet for the father to clasp his offspring to his bosom and exclaim, “ Merciful and Alınighty God, save my children from spoliation, massacre, and shame ?" Is it unmeet to implore of Heaven that torture may not be renewed? That the riding-house and the Exchange may not echo with shrieks and groans? That scaffolds may not stand in our streets, and that their channels may not be red with gore? I will frankly admit, that one among the many reasons by which I am swayed, in thus strongly enforcing this measure, is the deep community of sentiment which the utterance of a prayer for the freedom of Ireland will produce among all classes of the people. It will tend to link the clergy with us by a still stronger bond, and impart to the patriotism of the people a more exalted and enthusiastic character. Will it not be "oble spec'ac'e

to behold the brave and impetuous peasantry of Ireland kneeling, on every Sabbath, before the altar of Heaven, and lifting up their brawny arms, and their rugged and impassioned faces, in the utterance of a prayer for the liberty of Ireland?-and if any man should, after the institution of this admirable practice, by which a great political pursuit will be consecrated and made holy, be disposed to tell me that the Irish people are indifferent to their civil rights, I shall say to him"Go into the humblest edifice dedicated to the worship of God, and when you shall have heard the prayer for emancipation pronounced from the altar, and beheld the passion and enthusiasm with which the humblest tillers of the earth will have joined in that noble supplication -when you shall have witnessed their ardent eyes and beaming countenances, and listened to the fervour of the exclamations with which they will unite their orisons with the minister of their persecuted religion, then you will not presume to tell me that seven millions of people are careless of the attainment of their political rights."

SPEECH ON THE DUKE OF YORK.

I HAVE waited until the chair had been left, and the meeting of the Association had terminated, in order to introduce a subject, which, as it is of a purely political nature, I refrained from mentioning during the discussions of the Association, lest it should give them a character of illegality, and expose me to the imputation of having violated the law. I refer to the recent observations which have been made in the London papers upon the report of a speech of mine at a public dinner. I hope that I shall not be considered guilty of an overweening egotism, in drawing the attention of the individuals who happen to be assembled here, to what may appear to relate to myself. But the topics on which I mean to address you are of public as well as of personal interest. The truculent jocularity, and the spirit of savage jest, which have been ascribed to me, in expatiating on the infirmities of an illustrious person, have been regarded as characteristic of the moral habitudes of the body to which I belong. Thus, my vindication (for I do not rise to make an apology) extends beyond myself. Yet let me be permitted to suggest, that it is most unfair to impute to a whole people the feelings or the sentiments of any single man. The Catholics of Ireland have been repeatedly held responsible for the unauthorised and unsanctioned language of individuals. Every ardent expression, every word that overflows with gall, every phrase uttered in the suddenness of unpremeditated emotion, are converted into charges against seven millions of the Irish people. It is dealing rather hardly with us, to make a loose after-dinner speech, (the mere bubble of the mind) thrown off in the heedlessness of conviviality, a matter of serious accusation against a whole commu nity. I am not endeavouring to excuse myself upon any such plea as the Bishop of Kilmore might resort to. in extenuating his late oration

in Cavan; on the contrary, I am prepared to show the circumstances, which, in my mind, gave warrant to what I said. But I deprecate the notion that the language employed either by myself, or by any other individual, should be held to represent the opinions of the Irish Catholics. It has been stated, that laughter was produced by an ebullition of disastrous merriment. I will suppose that some two or three dozen of individuals in an obscure country town, did not preserve the solemnity with which any allusion to the maladies of an illustrious person ought to have been received, yet it is wholly unjust to hold the Irish Catholics responsible for their lack of sensibility. Having said this much, in order to rescue my fellow-labourers in the cause of emancipation, from any responsibility for individual demerit, I shall proceed to state, what, in my judgment, affords a justification of the language employed upon the occasion to which I refer. I shall not deny that I entertain a solicitude upon this subject. It is affectation on the part of any man to say, that he holds the censure of the press in no account. I cannot but be sensible that I am, from my comparative want of personal importance, more exposed to the injurious consequence of such a simultaneous assault. But do not complain; whoever intermeddles in public proceedings, must be prepared for occasional condemnation. It is one of the necessary results of notoriety, and I submit to it, as a portion of my fate. I shall not, therefore, insinuate that there is any mock sentimentality in the amiable indignation with which the writers of the Whig journals have vented their censures upon what they call the barbarous hilarity of an after-dinner harangue. I will not say, that it is easy to procure a character for high sentiment, by indulging in a paroxysm of editorial anger. Nay, I will give the gentlemen who have put so much sentiment into type, credit for sincerity, and without attempting to retaliate, without referring them to their own comments upon the illustrious immoralities of the distinguished person to whom I have alluded, I shall state the grounds of which I conceive that I have been unjustly assailed. It is right that I should at once proceed to mention exactly what took place. The chairman of the meeting in question, deviated from the ordinary usage at Roman Catholic dinners, and, in compliance with what, from his inexperience, he considered to be a sort of formula of convivial loyalty, proposed the health of a man, who is an object, to use the mildest phrase, of strong national disrelish. This, I confess, excited my indignation. I felt indignation, and where is the man who has one drop of manly blood in his heart, who would not feel indignation at being called on to offer a public homage to the individual, who "has an oath in heaven" against his country. I was tempted at first to remonstrate in the language of violent reproof against such an bnoxious toast, and I own that I felt it difficult to restrain the emotions which, in common with every Roman Catholic, I entertam towards the man, who is the avowed and devoted antagonist of Ireland. I recol. lected, however, that the chairman had done no more than comply with what he conceived to be a mere form, and I, therefore, preferred a mockery of the sentiment to any solemn denunciation. To the toast the expression of a hope was annexed, that with the restoration of