routing Mr. John Lawless from Ballibay-I mean Mr. Samuel Gray (cheers); and were I a poet I should introduce him to you by a couplet— Here is Mr. Samuel Gray, The Protestant Hero of Ballibay.

(Cheers and laughter.

He

He is a good, honest, straightforward Protestant-as glad to see the Protestants of Cavan as they are to see him.”** Mr. Samuel Gray, who appears to have been transported by the reception given him by his Protestant brethren, then came forward, and was received with loud cheers. He said he was a very humble individual, and could only claim the merit of being a sincere and consistent Protestant. knew the Orangemen of Monaghan well-they were all prepared, and in the hour of danger would be ready to assist their brethren (cheers). As long as the spirit of the Protestants of Ulster remained unbroken— as long as they stuck together heart and hand--so long may they defy Mr. O'Connell, aided by a Whig government to put them down (cheers) Should the storm arise, a signal would be sufficient to bring him and the Orangemen of Monaghan to the assistance of their brethren." But let us now proceed to the picturesque account given of the Hillsborougì meeting, celebrated in the annals of Protestant agitation, by the Evening Mail:-" At an early hour of the morning (some of them, indeed, over night) the great landed proprietors of the county repaired to the different points on their respective cstates at which it had been previously agreed they should meet their tenants, and march then at their head to the general place of assemblage, so that the area in front of the hustings did not present a very crowded appearance, until the men arrived in large masses, each having the pride of marching, border fashion, shoul der by shoulder, beside his neighbour and brother, with whom he was ready to sacrifice life in defence of his country and religion. Shorty after eleven o'clock, a tremendous shout from the town announced th approach of the first party. They were from Moira, and were headed by the Reverend Holt Waring, who was drawn by the people. A flag the union-jack, was hoisted at Mr. E. Reilly's, as the signal of the arrival. In a few moments they were seen descending the steep hill from the town, and approaching the place of meeting in a close, dark, and dense mass, comprising certainly not less than twenty-thousand persons. Having escorted Mr. Waring to the foot of the platform they received his thanks, expressed in warm and energetic language, and having given three cheers, deployed round and took the position assigned them. * * * * Amongst those who marched at the head of the largest battalion, if we may use the expression, were the Marquisses of Londonderry and Downshire; Lord Clanwilliam, Sir Robert Bateson, Colonel Forde, Colonel Blacker, Lord Castlereagh, and Lord Roden. The latter had fifteen thousand men in his followers. They marched from Dromore. At twelve o'clock the scene was the most imposing that fancy could conceive, or that language possesses the power of depicting. The spectacle was grand, unique, sublime. There certainly could not

He has, since this eulogium was pronounced, been tried for murder--and sentenced to transportation for a felou one degree I heinous. -ED.

have been, upon the most moderate computation, less than seventy-five thousand persons present, exclusive of the thousands who filled the town, or thronged to absolute impediment all the adjacent roads and avenues.” From that description, gentlemen, I turn to a resolution passed by the Irish Orangemen on the 12th November, 1834, and which I find in the appendix to the report from the select committee on Orange lodges "And, lastly, we would beg to call the attention of the Grand Lodge, and through them return our heartfelt thanks and congratulations to our brethren through the various parts of Ireland, who, in the meetings of three thousand in Dublin, four thousand at Bandon, thirty thousand in Cavan, and seventy-five thousand at Hillsborough, by their strength of numbers, the rank, the respectability, and orderly conduct of their attendance the manly and eloquent expression of every Christian and loyal sentiment, vindicated so nobly the character of our institution against the aspersion thrown on it, as the 'paltry remnant of a faction."" That phrase, gentlemen, is one which Lord Stanley, in one of his wayward moods, was pleased to apply to the Orangemen of Ireland. Gentlemen, in the part of the report which I have read to you, there are some remarkable entries relating to a subject of which you have heard a good deal from the Attorney-General; and although I deviate, I am aware, from the order of topics, which I had prescribed to myself, yet, finding in the book before me matter which seems to me to be exceedingly pertinent to that topic, I shall now advert to it. Gentlemen, the +ntries to which I am alluding are these :—“ 15th February, 1833, William Scott, 16th company Royal Sappers and Miners. That the committee would most willingly forward all document connected with the Orange system to any confidential persons in Bally, na, as prudence would not permit the printed documents should be forwarded direct to our military brethren." "1st January, 1834.-Resolved, that warrant 1592 be granted to Joseph Mins, of the 1st Royals. "17th December, 1829, moved by the Rev. Charles Boyton, seconded by Edward Cottingham, that the next warrant number be issued to the 66th regiment, and that the Quebec brethren be directed to send in a correct return, in order that new warrants may be issued." Gentlemen, I refer you to these resolutions with no other view than to show you what proceedings men who conspire to establish an influence over the army naturally adopt. If it was the object of the traversers to seduce the army from their allegiance, would not expedients have been adopted very different from those imputed to the defendants? Would not repeal societies have been formed? Would not a clandestine correspondence have taken place with the "military brethren ?" Would not money have been dis tributed to the soldiery? Would not the propagators of mutiny have been located in the public-houses frequented by the soldiery? Would not Roman Catholic priests who attend at the military hospitals, have been charged to instil repeal principles into the soldier's ear? Does anything of this kind appear to have been done? A letter written by the Rev. Mr. Power-a Waterford priest, who is not made a defendant --who is not to be punished for his letter-is given in evidence against my client, although he is as innocent of its composition as the forema

"" 66

of your jury. When that letter appeared in the Nation newspaper, why was not an ex officio information filed against the Rev. Mr. Power, whose manuscript would most, certainly have been given up? But that would not have answered the purpose of the Attorney-General whose object it was to ensnare. The Attorney-General has not suggested a reason, or glanced at a pretence for not having indicted Father Power. He read his letter from the beginning to the termination. He told you that it was written by a priest-that his name was to it. He does not prosecute the priest-he does not prosecute the paper, but reserves it for the conspiracy on which his official renown is to be founded. What gentlemen, has been the course adopted by the government in those prosecutions? Sir Edward Sugden begins by dismissing some of the most respectable magistrates of the country, on account of something or other that was said in the House of Commons, and because "the meetings gave a tendency to outrage.' The direct contrary has been proved by every one of the witnesses for the crown, and Mr. Ross, the clandestine sub-inspector of the Home Office, in the very last words of his examination, stated that he saw no tendency to outrage whatsoever Lord Cottenham declared in the House of Lords, that the proceeding of the Lord Chancellor was utterly unconstitutional. Let me be pernitted, gentlemen, to contrast the proceedings adopted by the Lord Chancellor of Ireland with the doctrines laid down in the charge of Mr. Baron Alderson, in his charge to the grand jury, delivered at the Monmouth summer assizes, 1839. It is reported in the 9th Carrington and Payne, page 95:-"There is no doubt that the people of this country have a perfect right to meet for the purpose of stating what one, or even what they, consider to be their grievances; but in order to transmit that right unimpaired to posterity, it is necessary that it should be regulated by law and restrained by reason. Therefore, let them meet if they will in open day, peaceably and quietly; and they would do wisely, when they meet, to do so under the sanction of the constituted authorities of the country. To meet under irresponsible presidency is a dangerous thing. Nevertheless, if when they do meet under that irresponsible presidency they conduct themselves with peace, tranquillity, and order, they will, perhaps, lose their time, but nothing else. They will not put other people into alarm, terror and consternation. They will probably in the end come to the conclusion, that they have acted foolishly; but the constitution of this country did not, God be thanked, punish persons who mean to do that which was right, in a peaceable and orderly manner, and who are only in error in the views which they have taken on some subject of political interest.' Has a single respectable gentleman of station, and rank, and living in the vicinity of the place where any of those meetings were held, been produced to state to you that they were the source of apprehension in the neighbourhood? Has any man been produced to you who stated that they had even a tendency to outrage? Not one.

(Mr. Sheil was interrupted at this period of his address by an intima tion that the jury wished to retire for refreshment.)

Mr. SHEIL, when their lordships returned into court, resumed as fol

ows:-I have already called attention to the fact that none of the gen Cry of the country were brought forward to state what the character of these meetings was. All the official persons examined-among whom were several of the high constables of the various districts-concurred in stating that there was no violation of the peace at any of them. Indeed, the assertion of the Attorney-General was, that the peace was kept-kept with the malevolent intention of enabling the whole population to rise at a given time, and establish a republic, of which Mr. O'Con nell was to be the head. Forty-one of these meetings were held--all of the same character and at length a proclamation was determined on and issued for the purpose of putting a stop to the Clontarf meeting. You have heard the remarks of Mr. O'Connell, in reference to the course adopted towards that meeting, and to me they appear extremely reason. able. Notice of that meeting had been given for three weeks, yet the proclamation was not published until the day before that on which it was

have taken place. Mr. O'Connell did not charge the government, when acting in this way, and delaying its measures till the last moment, with being capable of such an atrocious and destructive attempt on the lives of the people, as might have been perpetrated by sending the army amongst an unarmed populace, if the meeting had taken place. Such an event might have taken place; and it is to be regretted that a more timely warning, one that would have removed all doubt and uncertainty, was not given. I pass this consideration by, and come to another point. It is a usual practice—a rule, in fact that when a privy council is to assemble, summonses are directed to be issued to all privy councillors being within the vicinity of the city of Dublin. On this occasion such summonses were not issued. I am given to understand that Chief Baron Brady, who is in the habit of attending at councils, was not summoned. The Right Honourable Anthony Richard Blake, a Roman Catholic gentleman, who was appointed Chief Remem brancer of the Exchequer under a Tory administration-the intimate friend of the Marquis Wellesley. -a man who had never appeared in public assemblies, or interfered in the proceedings of public meetingsa man who had never uttered an inflammatory harangue in his lifethat gentleman did not receive a summons. I will make no comment n this omission of the government on this occasion, but such undoubtedly is the fact. I have told you who did not receive summonses, and I shall proceed to state who did receive them. The Recorder of the city of Dublin-by whom the jury list was to be revised--he received a summons. In his department it was that an event most untoward, as respects the traversers, befel. It was suggested in this court that the jury list possibly might have been mutilated or decimated-for decimation it was-by an accident-perhaps by a rat, as was suggested by one of the court. I am far from suggesting that there was any intentional oul play in this decimation, but that a large portion of the list was ɔmitted is beyond a doubt. I state the fact and make no comment on it. Well, an application was made for the names of the witnesses on the back of the document, on behalf of the traversers. One of the 'udges declared he thought it matter of right; another of the judges

intimated his opinion that it would be advisable for the crown to furnish the list within a reasonable time. From that day to this the list has ever been given. The list of jurors is drawn by ballot: there are eleven Catholics upon it. They are struck off. The trial comes on. A challenge is put in to the array, upon the ground that one-tenth, or very nearly one-tenth of the jury list was suppressed. One of the court expresses an opinion that the challenge is a good one. His brethren differ from him; but when in a trial at bar, at the instance of the crown, one of the judges gives an intimation so unequivocal as to the construction of the jury list, perhaps it would have been more advisable for the crown to have discharged the order for a special jury, and to have directed the high sheriff of the city to have returned a panel. I mention these incidents, gentlemen, in order that your feeling that the traversers have been deprived of some of those contingent benefits given them by the law, should give them an equivalent for any loss which they may have sustained in your anxious performance of your sacred duty. At length, in the midst of profound silence, the Attorney-General states the case for the crown, and consumes eleven hours in doing so. I was astonished at his brevity, for the pleading on which his speech was founded is the very Behemoth of indictments, which, as you see, "upheaves its vastness" on that table. Nothing comparable in the bigness of its gigantic dimensions has ever yet been seen. The indictment in Hardy's case, whose trial lasted ten or eleven days, does not exceed three or four pages; but this indictment requires an effort of puysical force to lift it up. Combined with this indictment was a tremendous bill of particulars in keeping with it. Gentlemen, the Attorney-General, as I have already observed to you at the outset of these observations, denounced the traversers at the close of almost every senence that was uttered by him; but it struck me that it was only in reference to two of these charges that he broke forth in a burst of genune and truly impassioned indignation. The first of those charges was -a conspiracy to diminish the business of a court of law. How well the great Lord Chatham exclaimed-I remember to have read it somewhere but I forget where-" Shake the whole constitution to the centre, and the lawyer will sit tranquil in his cabinet; but touch a single taread in the cobwebs of Westminster-hall, and the exasperated spider crawls out in its defence." The second great hit of the right honourable gentleman was made when he charged Mr. O'Connell with a deplorable ignorance of law, in stating certain prerogatives of the crown. With respect, gentlemen, to the arbitration courts, the Society of Friends are as liable to an indictment for conspiracy as the defendants. The regulations under which the Quaker arbitration system is carried on will be laid before you; and the opinions of Lord Brougham, who has always been the strenuous advocate of the arbitration system, will, I am sure, have their due weight upon you. With regard to Mr. D Connell's alleged mistake, respecting the power of the crown to issue writs-what is it after all, but a project for swamping the House of Commous, analogous to that of Sir James Graham and my Lord Stankey for swamping the House of Lords: The plain truth is this--the