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Adrancas of Irela:d in prosperity, the greater the expansion of trade, and the improvement ili agriculture: the more Ireland sells and buys, the more ships eater lier harbourg; the greater the wealth the earth: throws up from !er bosom, the greater must be the progress of the people, as contra-distinguished to the aristocracy of Ireland, and the crore formidable the array of those millions by whom the abatement of the great anomaly is required. Note an incident to the state of Ireland, which may at first view escape your notice. A small sect once enjoyed a monopoly of the patronage of the crowni—Protestantism supplied the channel beyond which the royal bounty, issuing from the Castle, was never permitted to flow :- but now, under a government, by which the principle of emancipation is carried out, an indiscriminate participation takes place in the dignities and in the emoluments connected with the chief departments of the state In the year 1812, the Catholics of Ireland were denounced as “ nuiscreants” by a Protestant Attorney-General for Ireland, and one of the “miscreants” is now Attorney-General for Ireland. My learned friend, the member for Cashel (Mr. Sergeant Woulfe), who occupies the highest place in his profession, is one of his Majesty's law-officers; and my friend, the member for Clonmel (Air. Hall), for talents and erudition is unsurpassed at the Irish bar: these cininent men are advancing to the bench. In a country so situated, oi whose condition these facts are striking illustrations, can the Irish Church. he long maintained ? If we wero seven millions of unintellectual degraded serfi~a heap of helotism-of our seren millions little account should be made. If the physical aspect of Ireland has undergone a great change, a still more conspicuous moral alteration has taken place. Not only has cultivation made its way into the morass, but the mind of Ireland has been reclaimed. With the education of the people the permanence of unnatural and anti-national institutions is irreconcilable. But if education has do:e much, agitation, the apprenticeship to liberty, has done more; although in your judgment it may have been productire of many mischiefs, they are outweiglied by the preponderant and countervailing good. Public opinion and public feeling have been created in Ireland. Men of all classes have been instructed in the principles on which the rights of nations depend. The humblest peasant, amidst destitution the most abject, has learned to respect himself. I remember when if you struck him he cowered beneath the blow; but now lift up your liand, the spirit of insulted manlood will start up in a bosom covered with rags, his Celtic blood will boil, as yours would do, and he will feel, and lie will act, as if lie had been born in this noble land of yours, where the person of every citizen is sacred from affronts, and from his birth he had breathed the moral atmosphere which Britons are accustomed to inhale. Englishmen, we are too like you to give you leave to do us wrong, and, in the name of millions of my countrymen, assimilated to yourselves, I demand the reduction of a great abuse-the retrenchment of a monstrous sinecure-or, in other words, I demand justice at your hands. “ Justice to Irelana" is a plırase which has beca), I am well aware, treated as a topic for derision, but the time wiil come, uur is it, perhaps, remote, when you will not be able to cztract muca

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matier for ridicule in those trite but not trivial words. “Do justice to Arerici, exclaimed the father of that man by whom the Irish Unive was accomplished, “ do it to-night—do it before you sleep.” In your National Gallery is a picture ou which Lord Lyndhurst should look : jó. was painted by Copley, and represents the death of Chatham, who din not live long after that celebrated invocation was pronounced. justice to America--do it to-night-do it before you sleep.” There nere men by whom that warning was heard who laughed when it wils uttered. Have a care lest injustice to Ireland and to America may not he followed by the same results—lest mournfulness may not succeed to mirth, and another page in the history of England may nat be writ i her heart's blonde

IRISH MUNICIPAL BILL

SPEECH IN TI!E HOUSE OF COMMONS, FEBRUARY 22, 1837.

Trre right honourable baronet (Sir James Graham) began the speech, m many particulars remarkable, which he has just concluded amidst thé Applauses of those, whose approbation, at one period of his political life, he would have blushed to incur-by intimating that he was regarded as a“ bigot” on this side of the house. Whether he deserves the appellation by which he has informed us that he is designated, his speech to-nigiit affords some means of determining. I will not call him a bigot-I am not disposed to use an expression in any degree offensive to the right honourable baronet, but I will presume to call him a convert, who exhibits all the zeal for which conversion is proverbially conspicuous. Of that zeal we have manifestations in his references to pamphlets about Spain, in his allusions to the mother of Cabrera, in his remarks on the Spanish clergy, and the practice of confession in the Catholic Church. I own that, when he takes in such bad part the strong expressions employed in reference to the Irish Church (expressions employed by Protestants, and not by Roman Catholics), I am surprised that he should not himself abstain from observations offensive to the religious feelings of Roman Catholic members of this house. The right honourable baroxet has done me the honour to produce an extrace from a speach of mine, delivered nearly two years ago at the Coburg Gardens; and at the same time expressed himself in terms of praise of the humble individual who now addresses you. I can assure the right honourable baronet that I feel at least as much pleasure in listening to him, as he has the goodness to say, that he derives from hearing me

He has many of the accomplishments attributed by Milton to a distincuished speaker in a celebrated council. He is “iu act most graceful and humane-his tongue drops mauna. I cannot but feel pride that ne should entertain so high an opinion of me, as to induce him to peruse and collect all that I say even veyond these walls. He has spent che recess, it appears, in the diligent selection of such passages as he nas read to-night, and which I little thought, when they were uttered, that the right honourable baronet would think worthy of his comments. However, he owes me the return of an obligation. The last time I spoke in this house, I referred to a celebrated speech of his at Cockermouth, in which he pronounced an eloquent invective against “a recreant Whig ;” and as he found that I was a diligent student of those modela of eloquence which the right honourable baronet used formerly to supply, in advocating the popular rights, he thought himself bound, I suppose, to repay me by the citation, which has, I beliere, produced less effect than he had anticipated. The right honourable baronet also adverted to what he calls the Lichtield House compact.” It is not 'worth while to go over the same ground, after I have already proved, by reading in the house the speech which has been the subject of so much remark--how much I have been misrepresented; I never said that there was a compact ;" I did say, and I repeat it, that there was “ a compact alliance.” Was that the first occasion on which an alliance was entered into ? Was Lichfield House the only spot ever dedicated to political reconciliations ? Has the righi honourable baronet forgotten, or has the noble lord (Stanley) who sits beside him, succeeded in dismissing from his recollection, a meeting at Brookes's Club at which the Irish and English reformers assembled, and, in the emergency which had taken place, agreed to relinquish their differences and make a united stand against the common foe? Does the noble lord forget an admirable speech (it was the best post-prandial oration it was ever ni good fortune to have heard) delivered by a right honourable gentlemar. who was not then a noble Jord, and was accompanied by a vehemence of gesture and a force of intonation not a little illustrative of the emo tions of the orator, on his anticipated ejectment from office? That eloquent individual, whom I now see on the Tory side of the house, got np on a table, and with vehement and almost appalling gesture, pronouuced an invective against the Duke of Wellington, to which, in the records of vituperation, few parallels can be found. I shall not repeat whar the noble lord then said.

Lord STANLEY. You may.

Mr. SHEIL.—No; my object is not to excite personal animosities among new, but ardent friends. I have no malevolent motive in adverting to that remarkable occasion. If I have at all referred to it, it is because the right honourable baronet has been sufficiently indiscreet to talk of Lichfield House :-let him, for the future, contine himself to th: recollections of Brookes's, instead of selecting as the subject of his sar casms the meeting in which that reconciliation took place to which Ireland is indebted for the exclusion of the noble lord opposite, and his associates, from power. The right honourable baronet has been guilty

nf another imprudence : lie has charged Lord Mulgrare with the pro. motion of Mr. Pigot to a forensic office in Dublin Castle. Nir. Pigot's offence, it seems, consists in his having been a member of the Precure sor Association. Does the right honourable baronet recollect where he sits in this house-with whom he is co-operating with what party lie and the noble lord opposite have entered into confederacy-when he makes matters of this kind the groundwork of imputation ? Who were: the first men selected for promotion by the Tories ? To what associs. tion did they belong? Let the rig?t honourable baronet look back, and behind him he will see the treasurer, the grand treasurer, of the Orange Association, wliom the member for Tamworth appointed Treasurer of the Ordnance---when his Sovereign placed him at the head of the government of his country. What are the offences of the National Association, when compared with the proceedings of the Orange Institution ? Are our proceedings clandestine? Are figures and symbols resorted to by us ? " Ilave we tampered with the army, as the Orange Society has been convicted by a committee of this house of having dune:

Colonel PERCEVAL.-I deny that the Orange Society tampered with the army.

I admit that such warrants were issued. Mr. Sueil.— I will not dispute with the gallant colonel about a word. If the phrase " tampered” be objected to, I will adopt any word the gal. lant colonel will do me the favour to suggest, in order to express a notorious and indisputable fact. It was proved beyond all doubt, and even beyond all controversy, that the Orange Society made the utmost efforts to extend itself into the army; that a number of regimenia. warrants were issued, and that resolutions were actually passed, it meetings of the society, upon the subject. From this society, the galo lant officer, who was one of its functionaries, was selected, in order to place him in the Ordnance; and, by a curious coincidence, having been treasurer to the Orange Institution, he was appointed to the same fiscal office in the Ordnance, to whese treasureship he was raised. How, thien, can gentlemen be guilty of the imprudence of talking of Mr. Pigot's appointment—(he is a gentleman conspicuous for his talents and high personal character)—when their own party made, within a period 80 recent, such an appointment as that to which I have reluctantly but unavoidably adverted. But, Sir, can we not discuss the great measure of municipal reform without descending to such small and transitory considerations as the selection of this or that man for office? Talk of Lord Mulgrave's government as you will, you cannot deny that liis administration has been, beyond all example, successful. He has acted on the wise and obvious policy of adapting the spirit of his government to the feelings of the nuinerous majority of that Irish nation by whom he is respected and beloved. His measures have been founded on the determination to regard the rights of the many, instead of consulting the factious interests of the few; and, by the just and wise system on which he has acted, he has effected a complete reconciliation between the government and the people. You speak of his liberating prisoners trom gaols :--I disdain «ven to advert, in reply, to the comments which

have been made on this act of clemency by men who are naturally the advocates of incarceration. I meet these gentlemen with the broad fact, that the country has, under Lord Mulgrave's government, made a great progress towards that pacification which I make no doubt that, under his auspices, Ireland will attain. Look to the county which I have the nonour to represent, and which has been unhappily conspicuous for the disturbances of which it was once the scene. Mr. Howley, the assis. tant-barrister for that county—a gentleman whose authority is unimpeachable, and who, by his impartial conduct, his' admirable temper, hi: knowledge, and liis talents, has won the applause of all parties--states. in his charge delivered at Nenagh, that there is an end to the savage combats at fairs ; and, in a return made by the clerk of the crown for the county, it appears that, in every class of crime, there has been, within the last year, a most extraordinary diminution. This surely is better evidence than the assertions made in Tory journals, and adopted by gentlemen whose political interests are at variance with their amiable aspirations for the establishment of order in their country. But, Sir, the most remarkable incident to the administration of my Lord Mulgrare has been, its effect upon the great political question which, not very long ago, produced so much excitement in one country, and not a little apprehension in the other. Without having recourse to coercive bills—without resorting to a single measure of severity-by impressing the people of Ireland with a conviction that he was determined to do them justice, Lord Mulgrare has laid the Repeal question at rest. It is, if not dead, at least deeply dormant; and, although such a policy as that of the noble lord opposite would soon awaken or resuscitate it again, as long as the principles on which the government of Lord Mulgrave and of the noble lord the member for Yorkshire* is carried on, are adhered to, so long you will find that the people of Ireland will remain in a relation not only of amity, but of attachment to the administration. It may be asked, how the good results of the policy I have been describing can affect the question before the house? Thus :—the executive has, by its judicious measures, by adapting itself to the political condition of the country, and by its preference of the nation to a faction, completely succeeded. It has held out a model which the legislature ought to imitate. Let the parliament enact laws in the spirit in which the laws, eren as they stand, have been carried into effect in Ireland. Let the good of the country, instead of the monopoly of a party, supply the standard by which parliament shall regulate its legislation ; and to what the Irish government has so nobly commenced, a perfect and glorious completion will one day be given.

I turn from the consideration of those topics connected with the exisiing condition of affairs in Ireland, to the discussion of the broader ground on which the question ought to be debated. I ask you to do justice to Ireland. Every man in this house will probably say, that he is anxious to do Ireland justice ; but what is justice to Ireland ? It will assist us, in investigating that question, to determine, in the first

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