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(Fredo, quia impossibile est. But, Sir, there is a consideration of infivite importance connected with his Royal Highness, and independent of his knowledge or his ignorance. Is it befitting that any British subject should possess the power of which he bas made himself the master? Is it safe, that a prince of the blood should be invested with this portentous authority? He is declared, by the rules of the English Grand Lodge, to be absolute and uncontrollable: he is addressed with a species of prophetic greeting—“ Hail, that shall be king hereafter 1” an aphorism of theology. If that srediction shall be verified ; if by come fatality, England shall be deprived of the princess who is the cbject of her atfection and of her hope—the:t princess who, if maternal virtues be hereaitary, must be wise, and gentle, and good--if, Sir, the Imperial Grand Master be fated to be the Sovereign of this vast empire, I trust that by 100,000 Irish Janissaries the throne of Ernest tlie First wail never be surrounded ! One, and the most important, of all questions, remains.
What are the house and the government to do under the existing facts of the case? That something must be done, is manifest. You cannor wlerate this institution. If you do what will be the result? How will the Roman Catholic soldiers feel, with whom your army is filled, wing have fought your battles, participated in your glory, and furnished the raw material out of which ihe standard of victory has been wrought? If, by your connivance, you convert this confederacy into a pattern, and it a counter organization shall be formed—if we, the Irish millions, shall enrol ourselves in some analogous organization-if its members shall be admitted with a solemu religious ceremony--if the obligation of a political fraternity shall be inculcatec-if signs, and tests, and pass-words shall be employed-if a representative assembly, consisting of deputies from every Irish county shall be held in the metropolis, and subordinate lodges shall be held in every department into which the country shall be subdivided, what will befal? To the vanquished, and to the victors, -woe! The gulf of civil warfare will yawn beneath the feet of Ireland, and in the abyss all her hopes will be swallowed. Avert, avert the calamity, which, if I liare articipated, it is only to shudder at its prospects. Cave us from these terrible possibilities ! Adopt a measure which, by its timely application, may prevent these terrific results from coming to pass. If I relied upon them less, I should warn them more. I will wwi te! thow that I expect--know-ut they will du i feir duty.
CHURCH OF IRELAND.
SPEECH IN THE IIOUSE OF COMMONS, JULY 23, 1835.
The honourable barcnet (Sir R. Bateson) who spoke last, and wlio designates himself as one of the representatives of the intellect of Ireland intellect appears to be an item of Protestant monopoly), contradicted in his peroration the bold assertion with which he began. Ać the outset, he talked of those Irish members who dissent from him, and coincide with the government, as persous of very small account; at the conclusion, he describes their great and baneful power. The honourable baronet, indeed, and those with whom he is in the habit of acting, have had an ample experience of the efficiency, the energy, the vigilance, and the union of that body, which he aflects to treat with disregard, but to which, in his arguments, he offers the ackuowledgment of his invo. luntary respect. We are the majority--the great majority of the Irish members. Among us are men of as high station, and as large possessions, as the honourable baronet : we speak the sentiments of the great mass of the Irish people on a question that most nearly touches the interests of Ireiand. If, for a series of years, the majority of Scotch representatives had, upon a Scotch question, declared a strong and unvarying opinion, there are few who would suggest that, to their opinions no attention ought to be paid ; and when, by the majority of Irish members, it is insisted that justice and expediency require that a particular policy should be adopted in reference to a subject by which Ireland and her tranquillity are so immediately affected, it is strange that any individual should speak with disparagement of those by whom millions of his countrymen are represented. I have thought it right to advert to a topic on which the honourable gentleman has indulged in insinuations by which our hostility may be inbittered, but our real influence never can be impaired.
The measure which the government has brought forward, is founded upon that principle for the adoption of which those who know Ireland best have uniformly contended, as affording the only basis on which a salutary system of corrective legislation can be founded. That princi. ple is now, for the first time, proposed to be embodied with distinctness in a legislative enactment. Its germ was indeed to be found in the Church Temporalities Bill, which is commonly known by the name of Stanley's Act. The noble lord opposite, in the suspension clause, had the merit of furnishing a most valuable precedent, and indeed (although unconscious of it) laid down the principle upon which this bill in a great measure rests
Lord STANLEY-No! No!
Mr. SHEIL.—That bill contained a clause providing for the suspension of benefices.
Lord STANLEY.-For what purpose ?
Mr. Sheil.-I take not the will for the deed, but the deed for the will. I care little about the purpose contemplated by the noble lord,
but look to the results to which his measure must lead. He provided that, in certain cases, whole districts might be left without a Protestant clergyman, and that in those districts the church should have no external, visible sign. No spiritual consolation, as it is called, was to be administered to Protestant parishioners in the localities which were ts fall within the provisions of the noble lord's celebrated measure ; no opportunity for conversion was to be given to the Roman Catholic inhabitants. That bill went much farther than the present project: because, by the latter, a Protestant traveller, wnose itinerant orthodoxy chances to stand in need of spiritual aid, is to find a Protestant clergyman at hand, bound to administer to his religious need ; a stipend is to that end provided : but by the bill of the noble lord all trace of Protestantism was to be swept away, and unmolested Popery was to be left in complete and undisputed possession of the ground from which, under the auspices of the noble lord, its competitor was to be driven. It concerns the house little what object the noble lord might have had in view; the inference from his measures is irresistible. Such premises are supplied by his expedients, as to afford an irresistible conclusion against the policy to which he still inconsistently and obstinately adheres. Did not the right honourable baronet, the member for Cumberland,* on a former occasion, admit the force of these observations, when he expressed his regret that he had ever given his assent to that clause in the Church Temporalities Bill? I wish that he were here, in order that he might give upon this subject some more satisfactory explanation than his noble confederate can furnish. On ordinary occasions, it is, perhaps, sufficient that the noble lord should be present as representative of his right honourable friend ; there is such a unity of sentiment, such a singleness of object, on the part of both those distinguished associates, that the opinions of the one always afford an adequate intimation of the views of the other ; but, in the present instance, it is not unreasonable to desire that the right honourable baronet should have condescended to be present. His speech was of such a character —he has assailed his opponents in terius so unqualified—that, after the delivery of a vituperative harangue, he ought to have attended the house, and encounter the men on whose character he liais committed an assault..
I own that I was anxious the right honourable baronet should be present, when to his historical references from Clarendon, an answer, which he might have anticipated, was to be given. That right honourable baronet, not satisfied with invoking the religious prejudices of the English people, has resorted to citations, of which the object appears to be to awaken a feeling of alarm in the mind of the highest personage in the realm. Was it to produce an impression at Windsor that the right honourable baronet, last night, assigned as a cause of the fall of the monarchy, the abandonment, by Charles the First, of the interesti of the church? It was not a little amusing to hear the right honourublo baronet avail himself of the same expedients which were einployed
• Sir! Grabam.
by Mr. Croker, in his speech against reform. To what a pass has au ex-reformer arrived, when from Mr. Croker he borrows, without acknowledgment, the arguments employed by the literary leader of Conserva. tism, against the measure in which the right honourable baronet and the noble lord bore so conspicuous a part! But did he not forget, wher he was quoting Clarendon, and describing the steps which led Charles to the fatal window in Whitehall, that the noble lord opposite had given of those events a very different account; and, in taking Mr. Croker to task, had uttered the following striking and fervid passage ? This was Lord Stanley's language on the occasion to which I refer :
“At length, when Charles wanted to force episcopacy upon Scotland, &c., he was forced to call together that parliament which he had for so many years endeavoured to dispense with. But they knew him too well to put any trust in him. When they spoke of grievances, he spoke of subsidies; and when they properly refused them, without better security than promises, the insincerity of which they were convinced of, he lad recourse to a prompt and abrupt dissolution, and thus added wantou insult to continued injury. He was soon again compelled to call theic together. Again he thought to temporize, and again he met the same resistance; and his tyranny ended, as I hope tyranny ever will end, in base, and timid, and degrading concession."
Such is the account given by the noble lord opposite of transactions which his colleague in opposition has eudeavoured to apply, in a manner so different, in order to awaken apprehensions where, I trust, that ao susceptibility of impressions so erroneous will be found. But in the crisis of their political fortunes, the opponents of this bill resort to every means by which, in any quarter, excitement may be generated. Here all the opponents (the strangely-combined opponents of the government) are resolved to try their strength. No stand was made on the Corporation Bill-the Conservatives liad the virtue not to resist what they had no$ the courage to propose. But on the Irish Church, prejudice may be roused, fanaticism may be kindled, niisrepresentation may be circulated ; accordingly, round the standard of sinecurisin a rally is made, and an alliance—a holy one-formed between the Conservative party, whom no one can fairly blame, and the ex-Reformers, the antagonists of their old friends, and the friends of their old antagonists dealers in pious philippics and religious intrigue. To popular excitement, connected with the old horror of Popery, it is manifest, that these united forces look; but they will find that they mistake the echo of their own delusions for the confirmation of public opinion. Where are she petitions of the people? Have even the Cumberland yeomen stirred ? We have heard of a declaration from a fanatical Scotch synod; but from the mass of the Scotch people has any remousiran.ce been preferred ? How did the majority of Scotcl- members ynte on the resolution on which this bill is founded? The peopie of thet courtry look to this government with a confidence which appeals to antiquated theo.ogy cannot disturb. They see that, in the short period during which they held office, they have carried through this house one of the most important measures of reform which has ever yet been propounded. that cliey
have carried it without the aid of the menbers for Cumberland or LanCitshire—without whom it now appears possible that a goverument really can go on ;—and seeing such practical benefits already effected, they will listen with incredulity to those whose zeal for religion is not a little heightened by their emotions as partisans. Our of the house their policy will fail; and in the house the stratagem to which they have had recourse, in moving an instruction, would be of little avail 'The course pursued is remarkable. After the second reacuing they oppose the principle ; and before the bouse goes into committee, they criticise the details. In the last session they resisted the Tithe Bill in the second reading, although it did not include any new appropriation this bill, besides the appropriation clause, contains much that is condemned, and contains nothing which is approved ; yet the second reading passes, not only without division, but without comment. You desire to divide the bill into two parts : having done so, which will you select ? You disapprove of the entire in its aggregate form; which of the frartions will you approve, if your instruction should be carried ? There 1: not a principle, there is not a detail in this bill which has not been the subject of condemnation. The men who would subtract £25 per cent. from the revenues of the clergy by the Tory bill, (which fell still-born, and whose authors died in childbed), cry out against any diminution of their i..comes ; and the great author of the metallic currency, who has seduced rents £50 per cent. insists that the church ought not to be affected by the revolutions of Mark-lane. Will the renowneil Cumber. land political economist, who would have subtracted £30 per cent. from the demands of every mortgagee in the country-give to the opinion of the eminent transmuter of paper into gold, the benefit of his disinte. rested coincidence on this head ? Talk indeed of not reducing the compositions! If there had not been any compositions, tithes would have fallen one-half. How do they stand in this country? A gentleman, a considerable proprietor in Warwickshire (wliose name I will mention to any body who desires it), told me that for his lay tithes, nut very long ago, he received upwards of £2000 a-year, and inat they have since fallen to £800.
It is insisted that there will be no surplus. If there be not,.no practical harm will be done to the church ; but the recognition of the principle will be a just and conciliatory tribute to the reasonable feelings of the Irish people. But how do you make out that there will be 110 surplus ? You expatiate on the poverty of the Irislı church. Why did you always refuse a committee on the subject? It was repeatedly proposed by the honourable member for Middlesex. You state that ihe revenues of the church have been exaggerated; but what test will you employ to ascertain them? What is the amount of the bishops revenues? You tell us that they do not exceed £130,000 a year ; bui their amount really is £150,000 :9 returned by the dignitaries themselves. Whether this ought to be conclusive I will not determine ; but this I do know, that in calculating the net income, the bishops have deducted agents' fees, and all expenses incidental to the collection of their for tungs. The income of the Archbishop of Armach, which is nou