their sentence? Not two years' imprisonment--not one year-not six months. The learned judge tempers justice with mercy, and sentences these presumptuous delinquents to an imprisonment of three weeks. The Dorchester labourers were sentenced to transportation for seven years, and the Orange malefactors to an imprisonment for three weeks. But how has the Orange Society affected the peace of the country? We are told that Ulster is in a state of profound and prosperous repose; but by the evidence, what appears? In the broad day, on the 17th of January last, a body of Orange incendiaries enter a Roman Catholic village, called Anagagh, and, in the face of the noon-tide sun, set fire to the houses of the Roman Catholic inhabitants; they then retire to a hill called Pinigo, to the number of near 200, form themselves in military array-Sir Frederick Stovin advances at the head of the military, with a piece of artillery, in order to disperse them—the magistrate, by whom he is attended, declines giving an order to fire-and the Orangemen, in martial order, and with martial music, bidding and looking defiance, march away. And how are they armed? With yoemanry muskets. The entire yoemanry force of Ireland is, in fact, enrolled in the Orange associations, and when a conflict ensues with the people the consequences are easily foreseen: witness the slaughters of which they have been guilty, the blood in which they have waded, the horrors which they have perpetrated: witness Newtownbarry! How has the Orange institution been employed as a political engine? To their declaration of allegiance a condition is attached. They engage to maintain the throne, so long as by the throne Protestant ascendancy is supported. They expel from their society every member who does not comply with their ordinances at elections. They issue proclamations, commanding every Orangeman to petition parliament for or against specific measures -and they are armed with what must be considered formidable instruments of supplication. At the close of the last year it was determined by a cabal that Lord Melbourne should be driven from office. At Hillsborough 75,000 Orangemen are assembled to sustain the Conservative adventurers in their daring and desperate enterprise, and to prove that they are not the remnant of a despicable faction. But will it be said, "Had they not a right to all this? Had they not the advice of the King to speak out? Had they not a right to petition parliament, and address the crown at Hillsborough ?" Be it so. Granting them their prerogative at Hillsborough, what have they to do with Quebec? The house seems startled with the question. It is readily explained. The Orangemen of Ireland have passed resolutions for the extension of their society into Upper and Lower Canada. The Grand Lodge of England have appointed a Grand Secretary to visit the British colonies of North America, with directions to communicate wirh the Grand Master. Why is this? Upon what pretence? For what purpose? Is their object defensive? What, in God's name have the Irish or English Orangemen to do with Lower Canada, whose religion is Catholic, whose established church is Catholic, whose legislature is Catholic-for eighteen out of twenty of the inhabitants are Catholics? Are they not contented with striking the baneful roots of their confederacy into the heart of the

British empire, hat they must extend ramifications across the Atlantic, in order to supply the North American colonies with their poisoned fruits?

I come to the army, the most important topic. This loyal brotherhood, the guardian of peace, the promoter of tranquillity, despite of the notorious rules of the Horse Guards, and in violation of every principle of military discipline, have introduced into the army its secret, its factious, and mutinous organization? The fact is beyond all dispute; but there are circumstances connected with it, which are not a little remarkable. There is, in the code of Orange legislation, an ordinance that all regiments in the army shall be considered as districts. It is the 15th rule of 1824. So late as this very year in the Grand Orange Lodge of Ireland, a warrant was granted to create a lodge in the army; and who was in the chair? Mr. Cromelin, the Grand Master of the county of Down. This resolution and the presidency of Mr. Cromelin on the occasion, appear in the appendix to the report. But let the house mark the following resolution," That the next warrant should be granted to the 66th Regiment." Who was it moved that resolution? No ordinary individual-a man, holding, in the Orange body, the highest posi tion, but who began his political life as a Fellow of Trinity College, Dublin, (of which the Duke of Cumberland is chancellor), who has since figured in Brunswick clubs, and has exhibited, on various occasions, at public meetings in England, the Rev. Charles Boyton, the associate of Mr. Mortimer O'Sullivan, the Grand Chaplain of the Orange Grand Lodges, and—mark it !—the Chaplain to the Earl of Haddington, the late Lord Lieutenant. But all the functionaries of the Orange body, despite all this, were ignorant of what was going on in the army. The knowledge of some people is wonderful; but not half so marvellous as the ignorance of others. The next time the honourable gentleman opposite, the Grand Treasurer, late Treasurer to the Ordnance, who was admitted, with the Duke of Wellington, a doctor of common law at Oxford, visits that learned and loval establishment, I pray of him to revive the old college play of "Ignoramus;" the principal characters to be performed by Alexander Perceval, Henry Maxwell, and his Royal Highness the Duke of Cumberland. His Royal Highness has written a letter. He never heard of Orange lodges in the army-never heard of the orders of 1822 and 1829,—of the rule of the Orange body, that every regiment should be considered a district-of the majority of the Grand Lodge having carried a resolution, on a division, to establish Orange lodges in the army-of the printed book of warrants, in which the list of military warrants is contained;-neither does his Royal Highness recollect having been present when, in 1831, 1832, 1833, and 1835, warrants were granted, whilst he was in the chair, to military men, and actually a soldier attended as representative of his regiment. His Royal Highness does not bear all this in mind, and is utterly ignorant of the introduction, into the army, of the lodges, of which he is the Grand Master. Heaven forbid that I should question the truth of his Royal Highness's allegation; I fly in the midst of difficulties, which night startle the belief of men of less accommodating credulity than miue.

Credo, quia impossibile est. But, Sir, there is a consideration of infiuite importance connected with his Royal Highness, and independent of his knowledge or his ignorance. Is it befitting that any British subject should possess the power of which he has made himself the master? Is it safe, that a prince of the blood should be invested with this portentous authority? He is declared, by the rules of the English Grand Lodge, to be absolute and uncontrollable: he is addressed with a species of prophetic greeting-" Hal, that shall be king hereafter " an aphorism of theology. If that prediction shall be verified; if by some fatality, England shall be deprived of the princess who is the object of her affection and of her hope that princess who, if maternal virtues be hereaitary, must be wise, and gentle, and good-if, Sir, the Imperial Grand Master be fated to be the Sovereign of this vast empire, I trust that by 100,000 Irish Janissaries the throne of Ernest the First will never be surrounded!

What are

One, and the most important, of all questions, remains. the house and the government to do under the existing facts of the case? That something must be done, is manifest. You cannot clerate this institution. If you do what will be the result? How will the Roman Catholic soldiers feel, with whom your army is filled, who have fought your battles, participated in your glory, and furnished the raw material out of which the standard of victory has been wrought? If, by your connivance, you convert this confederacy into a pattern, and if a counter organization shall be formed-if we, the Irish millions, shall enrol ourselves in some analogous organization-if its members shall be admitted with a solemn religious ceremony-if the obligation of a political fraternity shall be inculcated-if signs, and tests, and pass-words shall be employed-if a representative assembly, consisting of deputies from every Irish county shall be held in the metropolis, and subordinate lodges shall be held in every department into which the country shall be subdivided, what will befal? To the vanquished, and to the victors, -woe! The gulf of civil warfare will yawn beneath the feet of Ireland, and in the abyss all her hopes will be swallowed. Avert, avert the calamity, which, if I have anticipated, it is only to shudder at its prospects. Zave us from these terrible possibilities! Adopt a measure which, by its timely application, may prevent these terrific results from coming to pass. If I relied upon them less, I should warn them more. I will not tell them that I expect-i know-that they will do t'eir duty.

CHURCH OF IRELAND.

SPEECH IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS, JULY 23, 1835.

THE honourable barcnet (Sir R. Bateson) who spoke last, and who designates himself as one of the representatives of the intellect of Ireland (intellect appears to be an item of Protestant monopoly), contradicted in his peroration the bold assertion with which he began. At the outset, he talked of those Irish members who dissent from him, and coincide with the government, as persons of very small account; at the conclusion, he describes their great and baneful power. The honourable baronet, indeed, and those with whom he is in the habit of acting, have had an ample experience of the efficiency, the energy, the vigilance, and the union of that body, which he affects to treat with disregard, but to which, in his arguments, he offers the acknowledgment of his involuntary respect. We are the majority--the great majority of the Irish members. Among us are men of as high station, and as large possessions, as the honourable baronet: we speak the sentiments of the great mass of the Irish people on a question that most nearly touches the interests of Ireland. If, for a series of years, the majority of Scotch representatives had, upon a Scotch question, declared a strong and unvarying opinion, there are few who would suggest that, to their opinions no attention ought to be paid; and when, by the majority of Irish members, it is insisted that justice and expediency require that a particular policy should be adopted in reference to a subject by which Ireland and her tranquillity are so immediately affected, it is strange that any individual should speak with disparagement of those by whom millions of his countrymen are represented. I have thought it right to advert to a topic on which the honourable gentleman has indulged in insinuations by which our hostility may be imbittered, but our real influence never can be impaired.

The measure which the government has brought forward, is founded upon that principle for the adoption of which those who know Ireland best have uniformly contended, as affording the only basis on which a salutary system of corrective legislation can be founded. That principle is now, for the first time, proposed to be embodied with distinctness in a legislative enactment. Its germ was indeed to be found in the Church Temporalities Bill, which is commonly known by the name of Stanley's Act. The noble lord opposite, in the suspension clause, had the merit of furnishing a most valuable precedent, and indeed (although unconscious of it) laid down the principle upon which this bill in a great

measure rests

Lord STANLEY.-No! No!

Mr. SHEIL. That bill contained a clause providing for the suspension of benefices.

Lord STANLEY.-For what purpose?

Mr. SHEIL.-I take not the will for the deed, but the deed for the will. I care little about the purpose contemplated by the noble lord,

but look to the results to which his measure must lead. He provided that, in certain cases, whole districts might be left without a Protestant clergyman, and that in those districts the church should have no external, visible sign. No spiritual consolation, as it is called, was to be administered to Protestant parishioners in the localities which were to fall within the provisions of the noble lord's celebrated measure; no opportunity for conversion was to be given to the Roman Catholic nhabitants. That bill went much farther than the present project: because, by the latter, a Protestant traveller, wnose itinerant orthodoxy chances to stand in need of spiritual aid, is to find a Protestant clergyman at hand, bound to administer to his religious need; a stipend is to that end provided: but by the bill of the noble lord all trace of Protestantism was to be swept away, and unmolested Popery was to be left in complete and undisputed possession of the ground from which, under the auspices of the noble lord, its competitor was to be driven. It concerns the house little what object the noble lord might have had in view; the inference from his measures is irresistible. Such premises are supplied by his expedients, as to afford an irresistible conclusion against the policy to which he still inconsistently and obstinately adheres. Did not the right honourable baronet, the member for Cumberland,* on a former occasion, admit the force of these observations, when he expressed his regret that he had ever given his assent to that clause in the Church Temporalities Bill? I wish that he were here, in order that he might give upon this subject some more satisfactory explanation than his noble confederate can furnish. On ordinary occasions, it is, perhaps, sufficient that the noble lord should be present as representative of his right honourable friend; there is such a unity of sentiment, such a singleness of object, on the part of both those distinguished associates, that the opinions of the one always afford an adequate intimation of the views of the other; but, in the present instance, it is not unreasonable to desire that the right honourable baronet should have condescended to be present. His speech was of such a character -he has assailed his opponents in terus so unqualified that, after the delivery of a vituperative harangue, he ought to have attended the nouse, and encounter the men on whose character he has committed an assault..

I own that I was anxious the right honourable baronet should be present, when to his historical references from Clarendon, an answer, which he might have anticipated, was to be given. That right honourable baronet, not satisfied with invoking the religious prejudices of the English people, has resorted to citations, of which the object appears to be to awaken a feeling of alarm in the mind of the highest personage in the realm. Was it to produce an impression at Windsor that the right honourable baronet, last night, assigned as a cause of the fall of the monarchy, the abandonment, by Charles the First, of the interest; of the church? It was not a little amusing to hear the right honouruble baronet avail himself of the same expedients which were employed

Sir Grabam.