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Union, represented you at the Congress in which the different arrangements with respect to Belgium and Holland were made. You have yourselves recently been parties to that separation which Belgiuın lemanded, and you assented to the grounds on which it was required. All the public establishments removed to Holland! What has become of our Custom House, of our Stamp Oflice ? Our Royal Hospital too, built by a contribution made among the Irish soldiers, raised out of a zixpence which they, joyfully gave to provide for them an asylum, that institution, connected with our national pride, associated with our best feelings of country, you, for the sake of some miserable saving, have determined to annihilate. Take warping-you have made experiments enough. Be taught not by the failures of others, but by your own. Go on as you have liitherto proceeded, and you will soon find the entire of Ireland united for repeal. A reference has been made to the small number of signatures to petitions. If there shall be a million next year, what will you say? We are told that the Irish people do not desire repeal. Are thirty-eight Irish members out of one hundred and five nothing? What other test do you demand? The last election ought to exhibit the truth. That last election verified the prediction which I made to the Chancellor of the Exchequer : I went to him when the Tithe Bill was pending in 1832.—I told him what would happen. I exclaimed, “ You are on the eve of a general election ; you are driving the Irish to fury by your tithe measures, and the result will be, that onl every hustings in the south, the standard of repeal will be planted It is said that the gentry are against repeal. How fast do the gentry of every country fall into the mass of the people! They desert one by one, and the moment it is their interest, they combine with the class once designated as the multitude. How soon the populace becomes the people! Let a few years go by, Catholic and Protestant will be reconcited—the national mind will become one mass of hot emotionthe same disregard for the interests and feelings of Ireland will be disa played in this assembly; and, if there should be an outbreak of popular commotion here-if the prediction of the Conservatives should be fulfilled--and if your alliance with France, which is as unstable as its dynasty, should give way, you may have cause to lament, when lamenlation will be unavailing, that to seven millions of Irishmen justice was refused.

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SHAI.L endeavour, in discharging the duty I have undertaken, to avoid a spirit of partisanship, which, in a question of this kind, would bm peculiarly out of place, and simply to present to the house the facts which I conceive should induce the poble lord at the head of the foreig!! department, to furnish the house and the public with the documents ] seek to have produced. The motion I have risen to make is this :* That an humble address be presented to his majesty, that he will be graciously pleased to give directions that there be laid hefore this house, copies of any treaty or treaties wliich have been concluded between the Russian and Turkish goveruments, since the 1st of January, 1833, and which have been officially communicated to the British government; together with copies of any correspondence between his majesty's government and the Russian and Turkish governments, relative to the said treaties.”

I proceed at once to tlie statement of the facts, tlie incidents, and the documents, on which I rely. I shall not take any remote period, but commerce at the autumn of the year 1831. In the autumn of that year, the forces of the Pacha of Egypt begin their march ; on the 3rd of December, 1831, the siege of Acre was commenced ; in May, 1832, Acre fell ; Ibrahim proceeded on his march, and advanced into Syria ; on the 14th of June, Damascus was taken. In July, 1832, another great battle was fought, and Ibrahin advanced upon Taurus ; he passed it. Any one who will give the slightest examination to the relative position of the two armies, must see that the success of Ibrahim was inevitable. This was the state of affairs in July, 1832. What was the course adopted by Turkey ? She applied for aid to England. The fiet is admitted, in a speechi made by the noble lord in this house on the 17th of July, 1833. It was further admitted by the noble lord, that if this country had then thought proper to interfere, its interference would have been effectual.


Mr. Sheil. It is so stated. It has also been stated, but I know not sliether on good authority, that the application of Turkey to this count * for assistsura was sustained by Russia, which power is said to have inti inated her wish, or solicited, that the aid asked by Turkey should be given England refused her assistance. That fact will not be questioned ; it remains to be explained. It was asked at the time, why assistance was not giron to our ancient ally? But the events which subsequently happened, gave retrospective force to the interrogatory; for it i impossible not to ask, with a sentiment stronger than mere curiosity, why it was that Turkey, when she sought our assistance, was thror upon Russia as her only resource? The refusal having been given, is ii not a most extraordinary circumstance that England sent no ambasmior to Constantinople? The war began in October, 1831 ; Acre les

in May, 1832 ; Damascus, in June, 1832: the Taurus was passed; nid was asked from and refused by England; and yet no anıbassador was sent from England! Let the noble lord, if he will have the goodness to note the questions I ask in the course of my statement, tell us how it happened that the war had been concluded two months before the English minister arrived at Constantinople? The battle of Koniah was fought on the 21st of September, 1832; and although this progress of Ibralıim attracted the attention of Europe, it does not seem to have induced the English cabinet to give any acceleration to the movements of my Lord Ponsonby. He was appointed, I believe, in December, 1832 ; but he did not arrive in Constantinople till May, 1833, after the battle of Koniah had been fought, and application had been made by Turkey to Russia ; and, indeed, after—as it is stated upon authority, I believe, worthy of credit, and which it will remain for the noble lord to confirm or contradict-Russia had written to the sultan in the language of fraternal or diplomatic endearment, making him a tender of the assistance of Russia, whether that assistance was required by sea or by land. On the 17th of February, the French admiral, Roussin, arrived at Constantinople, and this leads me to remark upon a circumstance deserving of notice. It is this ;—that not only England, but France, had no ambassador at Constantinople during the progress of the events I have mentioned. The reason of France being thus situated, is sail to be, that General Guilleminot, who had been there as ambassador, having suggested to the Porte, on the breaking out of the Polish insurrection, that that was a good opportunity to repair the disasters and injuries of the 'war which terminated in the treaty of Adrianople, Prince Pozzo di Borgo applied to the French minister,- Sebastiani, to have him removed. I mention this as a kind of excuse for England, because France, having only a charge d'affaires, it may be said that we were not called upon to have more than a secretary of legation. Admiral Roussin having arrived on the 17th of February, he, on the 19th of February, remonstrated with the divan, on the fatal effects to the Turkish empire which must result from calling in Russia as an auxiliary. On the very next day the Russian fleet appeared in the Bosphorus. There was, however, no immediate disembarkation. The French admiral remonstrated, but the English ambassador was not there to remonstrate, for Lord Ponsonby was relieving himself at Naples from the fatigues of his diplomatic negociations in Belgium, An effort was made by him, however, to induce Ibrahim to retreat, but all it led to was the raising a question respecting the possession of Armenia. In that question, admiral Roussin said he would not interfere, not wishing to concern himself in the domestic quarrels of the parties. He accordingly retired, and 20,000 Russians encamped on the Asiatic shore of the Bosphorus. Complete possession having been taken of Constantinople, Count Orloff arrived, if not before Lord Ponsonby, to much better purpose ; for, whilst he seemed to be engaged in the show and festivities of this capital, on the illuminations of their seraglio, he was all the while effecting a clandestine treaty with the sultan, not only without the intervention, but without the knowledge of

the English or French embassies. That was the treaty of the 8th of July, the production of which I seek from the noble lord. I have now, by a succinct narrative, brought down my statement to that important period, the 8th of July, 1833, the date of the subjugation of Turkey ; not I hope, of the dishonour of England. When was that treaty known by the noble lord? I may mention, by the way, a remarkable circumstance which took place in the House of Commons on the 11th of July.

My honourable friend who sits beside me (the member for Coventry) moved for certain papers respecting the recent transactions between Russia, Turkey, and Mehemet Ali. On that occasion the noble lord! opposite pronounced a speech, reflecting the highest credit on his diploinatic abilities. The noble lord stated, as a reason for not producing the papers, that the events to which they related could hardly be said to be brought to a close, and that the documents asked for ought not to be produced, till a diplomatic wind-up had been arrived at. But he expressed sentiments worthy of a proselyte of Mr. Canning, observing, that it was quite a mistake to suppose that England was not prepared to go to war if honour and dignity required it: mentioning, at the same time, that assistance had been refused to Turkey. This being on the 11th of July, the noble lord, of course, was not aware of the treaty ol the 8th of July. How did the English public become acquainted with that treaty ? Or, perhaps, the more proper question would be—how did the noble lord become acquainted with it? The noble lord obtained his first information touching, I will not say, the details and particulars, but the substance of that treaty, from a letter which appeared in the Morning Herald, on the 21st of August, 1833, from its corresponder at Constantinople. In this letter it was stated that Count Orloff hao succeeded completely in throwing dust into the eyes of the English and French ambassadors; for that, whilst he appeared to be absorbed in all the gaieties of the Turkish metropolis, he was in reality prosecuting the deep and dark designs which Russia had so long entertained ; and that on the 8th of July he had induced the sultan to conclude an offensive and defensive treaty, admitting the virtual surrender to Russian dominion of all the rights of Turkey.

The particulars of that treaty, beyond three articles, the writer did not pretend to know; but he added, that the next day Count Orlɔff set off for St. Petersburgh; that the greatest confusion and dismay prevailed among the other diplomatic bodies ; and that they had des. patched couriers to their respective courts. This letter was brought under the attention of the House of Commons on the 24th of August, by the honourable and gallant member for Westminster; on which (ccasion the noble lord stated in his place, that of the treaty of the 8th of July he officially knew nothing whitever ; the only information he had upon the subject being through the medium of the public journals, upon whose activity he passed a just panegyric-an activity which certainly, on that occasion, much surpassed that of the agents of thu government. The noble lord, on that . casion, admitted a second time thikt Turkey had asked for assistance from England before apply

is for it to Russia. I have now brought myself down to the 29th of August, 1833. On the 29th of August, the King delivered liis speech from the throne on the prorogation of parliament. With these Facts, or these rumours which, at all events, ultimately turned out fatal facts -with all these circumstances before it-the cabinet advised his Majesty to declare in his speech from the throne—and that speech must constitutionally be considered the speech of his Majesty's miniisters—that the relation between Turkey and England remained undisturbed.

Let the house bear in mind that the noble lord, if he had not received the despatch forwarded to him on the 9th of July, certainly had had liis attention called to the treaty of the 8th of July or the 14th of August; and yet persuades his colleagues to advise his Majesty to say on the 29th of August--

“ The hostilities which had disturbed the peace of Turkey have been terminated ; and you may be assured that my attention will be carefully slirected to any erents which may affect the present state or the future independence of that empire.”

I now pass at once to the month of October in the same year. In October, M. La Grenée, the French chargé d'afuires, addressed a letter to Count Nesselrode of a most remarkable kind. Considering the close junction which subsisted between the courts of St. James's and the Tuilleries-a junction which I hope still continues—considering the fidelity of that alliance to be mutual—it is hardly too much to look upon this note as if it came from the noble lord himself, sitting in Downingstreet. This note of M. La Grenée was written in October, but was not published in Paris till the 23rd of December, 1833, when it came before the whole of the European public. I pray the particular attention of the house to this note. Our attention bas lately been directed to matters of domestic interest and immediate pressure; but be it remembered, that events are now going on which are fraught with consequences that may affect our domestic interesis as niuch as others which only appear larger because more near. The note of M. La Grenée to Cound Nesselrode runs thus:

“ The undersigned Chargé d'Affaires of his Majesty the King of the French, has received orders to express to the cabinet of St. Petersburgh the profound affliction felt by the French government, on learning the conclusion of the treaty of the 8th of July last, between his Majesty the Emperor of Russia and the Grand Signior. In the opinion of the King's government, this treaty assigns to the mutual relations existing between the Ottoman empire and Russia a new character, against which the powers of Europe have a right to protest.”

To this note, Count Nesselrode replied in the following cant, offensive, and almost contumelious language :

“ It is true that this act changes the nature of the relations between Russia and the Porte, for in the room of long-continued hostilities it substitutes that friendship and that confidence, in which the Turkish purernment will henceforth find a guarantee for its stability and neces. Sülry means of defence, calculilted to ensure its preservation. In this

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