maintain their ascendancy in the legislature, and the lieutenant-governor, under certain circumstances, might have a right to a vote in the senate, and at any rate his influence in that house might be of very considerable importance in relation to eventual success in their ulterior views. Mr. Huntington lived in the valley of the Erie canal. It was by means of the influence exerted by the representatives in the legislature from that valley, that the great state road project had been defeated. If, therefore, a candidate could be selected who would command the support of the friends of that measure, and at the same time receive the united vote of the disciplined democratic phalanx in other parts of the state, these sagacious politicians perceived a reasonable prospect of success; and with this view, they nominated Gen. Nathaniel Pitcher, one of the late state road commissioners.

The convention at Herkimer, which met on the fourth. of October, was organized by the appointment of James L. Hogeboom for president, and David E. Evans and Edward Livingston for secretaries. The counties in the state were generally represented by delegates. Judge Rochester received 103 votes for governor, and Nathaniel Pitcher 98 for lieutenant-governor.

A short time previous to the election, discerning men perceived that the competition between the candidates would be much closer than had been anticipated. All the old prejudices against Mr. Clinton were called out and rendered active. But besides the effects which these feelings produced, another cause operated powerfully against him.

It was the intention of Mr. Van Buren to conduct this election without reference to the presidential question, which was to be decided in 1828. Mr. Rochester was a warm friend and supporter of the administration of Mr. Adams, or rather he was the personal and political friend

of Mr. Clay. The Rochester family were from the state of Maryland, and before they migrated to this state, a friendship had been formed betwen that family and Mr. Clay, which continued unabated; and it was through Mr. Clay's influence, who was then secretary of state, that Judge Rochester had been invested with the Panama mission. All these circumstances were well known to intelligent politicians in every part of the state, and by no man were they more clearly perceived and fully appreciated than Gen. Peter B. Porter of Black Rock, a man of great talent, address and energy, who, in 1824 belonged to the people's party, and who was and is an ardent friend and admirer of Mr. Clay. A very large portion of the Clintonians, as I have before remarked, were friendly to Mr. Adams, and Gen. Porter and other politicians similarly situated, made a strong appeal to them, urging that Mr. Clinton, being an avowed Jackson man, his election would be fatal to the prospects of Mr. Adams in this state; whereas the election of Rochester would ensure the success of the Adams party. Reflecting men felt that there was much truth in these representations, and they appreciated their importance. In reviewing the proceedings of that day, one cannot fail to be surprised, that these considerations did not have more effect than they actually did upon those Clintonians who were determined to support the re-election of Mr. Adams. There can, however, be no doubt but that these views induced many Clintonians to vote for Judge Rochester.

There was another circumstance that operated in favor of Mr. Rochester. He was a western man, and the people of the west were ambitious to do what they had not yet done, give the state a governor. On the other hand, the fact that Rochester was known to be an Adams man, had very little effect upon that portion of the democratic party who were for Gen. Jackson. Generally speaking,

they were strict caucus men. Like disciplined troops, wherever their party went, they would go; and Mr. Clinton was the last man in whose favor they could be induced to break their ranks.

Mr. Van Buren and his friends, who, by this time had really, though not publicly, put all their political capital at stake against the Adams administration, became alarmed. But what could they do? Their honor as gentlemen, and their character as consistent politicians, were committed in favor of the election of Rochester, and they could not, and did not, consent to forfeit either. But it can not be doubted, that they viewed the result of the contest with painful anxiety. Had Rochester have been elected, there is every reason to believe the entire vote of this state would have been given to Mr. Adams.

Mr. Noah, editor of the New-York National Advocate or Enquirer, who had been a warm Crawford man, and an uniform opponent of Mr. Clinton, came out openly and frankly for him and Gen. Pitcher; but Mr. Croswell, of the Albany Argus, with his usual zeal, talent and address, together with the other democratic papers in the state, supported in good faith the Herkimer nomination.

It was the state road question which finally decided this election. The county of Steuben, a strong democratic county, gave Mr. Clinton more than one thousand majority. But the same reason which induced the democratic electors of the south-western tier of counties to vote against Mr. Rochester, impelled the Clintonian electors of those counties to vote for Mr. Pitcher. The result was, that Mr. Clinton was elected by a majority of three thousand six hundred and fifty votes over Judge Rochester, and Mr. Pitcher received four thousand one hundred and eighty-eight more votes than Mr. Huntington.

In the election of members of the legislature, the democratic party obtained a complete and most decisive victo

ry. That party succeeded in the second, third, fifth, sixth, seventh and eighth senatorial districts, and in the first, where Gen. Robert Bogardus, a Clintonian, was elected, his success was undoubtedly owing to his being known to be an ardent Jackson man.

In the assembly, the democrats elected about two to

one.

The senators elected this year were:

From the First District, Robert Bogardus,
Second do., Benjamin Woodward,
Third do., John McCarty,

66

Fourth do., Duncan McMartin, jun.,
Fifth do., Charles Dayan, and

Sixth

Truman Enos,

do., Thomas G. Waterman,

Seventh do.,

William M. Oliver, and

Victory Birdseye,

Mr. Young, the late speaker, was not re-elected to the

assembly from Saratoga.

CHAPTER XXXIII.

FROM JANUARY 1, 1827, TO JANUARY 1, 1828.

In the succeeding autumn an event occurred, singular in its character, and which, in its consequences, produced a great effect, not only upon society in general, but on the political parties in the state of New-York, and in several other of the American states.

The society of free masons had existed for a long period of time in the world. Indeed, many persons claim that what are called the secrets or mysteries of masonry, existed long before the Christian era; some asserting that the substantial parts of masonry were in use among associations of the ancient Egyptians; and that most of the useful arts and sciences invented by that wonderful people, were the result of the efforts and labors of those associations. These traditions, which were carefully preserved by the modern masons, are no doubt principally founded on fiction, but it is nevertheless very probable that the society of free masons, which has in some form existed for several centuries, (in all likelihood since the crusades) was instituted in imitation of those secret societies so common among the Greeks and Romans and other ancient Pagan nations.

At this time masonic societies existed in most of the civilized nations on the globe, and branches of them were found among nations who could hardly be said to be civilized. In New-York, and in fact in America, masonry may be said to have been in its most palmy state. I hazard little in asserting that a majority of persons holding official stations in the state, were masons. Legislative, judicial and executive officers, from presidents and gov