Gambar halaman
PDF
ePub

are

THE EPERVIER.

Concluded from page 16.

ions incline. A stronger evidence could Now without descending into the minunot be given of the entire ignorance of those time in which the author will be found deforeign writers with regard to the charac- fective, we deem it unnecessary for our ter of American politics, than the present purpose to cite more than the present inexample affords. The constitution of the stance. He profoundly observes that "the United is in the hands of every one, and Americans are so new a mixture of such a both parties, whether federal or republican, number of rations, that hitherto they have are bound by a solemn obligation to God acquired no public spirit or national charto preserve it inviolate. We have no acter." We would just desire this sage doubt that this constitution has been in the Jurisconsult to remark, that our citizens, hands of this French author, that he has read whether native or adopted, are compelled it, and the comments of our daily papers, to support our constitution by the sanctity (or he might have done so,) and yet he of an an oath. It is to be presumed that returns to Europe and informs his country- when they enter upon such a religious somen, that the Americans do not know what lemnity, that they at least know the nature they are disputing about. He has kindly of the obligation. The man must suppose taken upon himself the task of informing us worse than savages, to believe us ignous, and runs into such an enormity of blun-rant of an engagement so awful. It is to ders, on both sides of this political contro- suppose that we would incur the penalties, versy, that it is an act of common humani-without being sensible of the obligations of ty not to follow, and to expose him. perjury. It is to suppose that Americans Neither party, ever seriously thought or worse than fools; that they do not dreamed of what this French author im-know their own ideas. putes to both. But there is, with all this infantile impertinence, some apology for this man. He was accustomed to a military government, where every man who ventured a different opinion from those in power, was taken up and shot on a charge The Epervier sailed from Algiers, on the 6th, of mutiny. When he came to this country and passed the straits of Gibralar, on the 14th and beheld such an opposition, still carried from Baltimore to Gibraltar, spoke her on he 8th of July. The schooner Poumnus, on her voyage on, and no execution take place, he shrewd- of August, in the latitude of the Chesapeake, and ly conjectured that we had no government. not more than 400 miles from the coast. She was Now if there is one point clear as the sununder reefed topsails, and therefore, prepared for beams of heaven, it is this, that nothing the storm, which was then approaching.--We all proves so decisively as this fact, the exis-remember the tremendous gale, which swept the ocean on the 9th and 10th of August. The besom tence of a government. It proves that of destruction, then literally passed over th we are accustomed to freedom, within the lantic, and there can be no doubt, but that the bounds prescribed by the constitution; that Epervier foundered in the gale, and all who were while one party obeys a law which they on board, went with her to the bottom. believe to be unjust, they are freely allow-fate was a hard one, just at the time when their bosoms beat quickest; when the appearance of a ed by the constitution, to shew that such vessel, only a few days from America, had roused ought not to be the law. He might have up all their fond anticipations of home, when they learned that our charter of freedom com- even hailed the first approach of the gale, as it prehends these two points, and that it con- speeded them on their course; when every cir stitutes the glory of every American to cumstance, which imagination had pictured to them in their integrity. attend their arrival, began to assume the form of preserve reality, then it was, that an inscrutable Provi dence had measured their existence. When they fancied their danger almost over, then, were they given to be swallowed up by the abyss they had so often braved, and their bodies buried beneath the waves which broke on the very shores, which it was the object of all their wishes and prayers to reach. But it is some comfort to reflect, that no carelessness was theirs-that if skill and experience would have availed, they would have been saved; that they sunk beneath the hand of an unrelenting destiny; that the manner of their death, was not embittered by many struggles, or much suffering; but that amid the uproar of the elements, they paid the great debt of nature together, dying in the performance of their duty. and in the service of their country. Their lives,

In order to give to this author every possible advantage, we will cite his own words. "The Americans are so new a mixture of such a number of nations, that hitherto they have acquired no public spirit or national character. Their political opinions savour of those common to all the people from whom they are derived; and as the greatest part of them are of English origin, they have brought over with them to America all the elements of discord; which agitate their parent country. In each state, they are divided into two grand parties, similar to those of the Whigs and Tories; and what is most to be regretted is, that neither of the e parties knows precisely what it wants, or at least does not adopt the means to obtain it."

At

Their

VOL. I.]

SATURDAY, MARCH 9, 1816.

were like the element they loved, at one time tranquil and quiet, at another full of action and stormy, and the confusion of the tempest, and the wild dismay of shipwreck, mingled at their deaths. They believed, as they traversed the mountain waves, that they should reach a calm and quiet harbour; but they did not know that it was a haven of eternal rest they were hastening, J. H. where neither the storms of life, nor the tempests of occan should ever reach them again.

DOUBLE CONSCIOUSNESS.

A Double Consciousness, or a Duality of
Person in the same Individual: From a
Communication of Dr. Mitchill to the
Rev. Dr. Nott, President of Union Col-
lege. Dated January 16, 1816.

When I was employed, early in December, 1815, with several other gentlemen, in doing the duty of a visitor to the United States Military Academy at West-Point, a very extraordinary case of double consciousness, in a woman, was related to me by one of the professors. Major Ellicot, who so worthily occupies the mathematical chair in that seminary, vouched for the correctness of the following narrative, the subject of which is related to him by blood, and, at this time, an inhabitant of one of the western counties of Pennsylvania:—

ters.

19

man or lady be introduced to her in the old
To know them satisfactorily, she must
state, she will not know that person in the new
state, and vice versa; and so of all other mat-
In the old state she possesses fine powers of
learn them in both states.
or means to become expert.
penmanship; while, in the new, she writes a
poor and awkward hand, having not had time

During four years and upwards, she has un-
dergone periodical transitions from one of these
states to the other. The alternations are al-
ways consequent upon a long and sound sleep.
Both the lady and her family are now capable
of conducting the affair without embarrass-
ment. By simply knowing whether she is in
the old or the new state, they regulate the inter-
My learned friend, the Rev. Timothy Alden,
of Meadville, knows Miss R-, and in engaged
course, and govern themselves accordingly.
in drawing up the bistory of her curious case,
Med. Rep.
and he has promised, in due time, to send it to
me complete.

FINANCIAL.

a circulating medium, are thus forcibly The miseries attending the depreciation of delineated by Dr. Bollman, in his late pamphlet.

Though we have much reason, as has just possessed naturally a very good Miss R She possesseding local money has been used by the banks with great discretion, yet we must lament to constitution, and arrived to adult age without been stated, to rejoice that the power of maksee the security of the public with regard to having it impaired by disease. an excellent capacity, and had enjoyed fair opThe discretion with which the power of makportunities to acquire knowledge. Besides the domestic arts and social attainments, she had this important subject so little provided for. improved her mind by reading and conversation, and was well versed in penmanship. Hering money has been exercised, is no guarantee memory was capacious, and stored with a copious stock of ideas.

that it would be thus exercised always. The check of the convertibility of bank notes into Unexpectedly, and without any kind of fore-specie, which did exist, may have continued warning, she fell into a profound sleep, which continued several hours beyond the ordinary term. On waking, she was discovered to have lost every trait of acquired knowledge. Her memory was tabula rasa; all vestiges, both of words and of things, were obliterated and gone It was found necessary for her to learn every thing again. She even acquired, by new efforts, the arts of spelling, reading, writing, and calculating, and gradually became acquainted with the persons and objects around, like a be ing for the first time brought into the world. In these exercises she made considerable profi-duce them to proceed with more than usual ciency.

to operate for a time even after its removal.--Wheels, long confined on the axletrees by the pins, may continue to roll for a time in the less even, and it will come to the ground. All wonted way though the pins be broken; but the bank directors, now in place, acquired the least unusual jerk in the vehicle, or a road while the check existed. They continue to move in the routine to which they have betheir habits, and systematized their business come accustomed. Habit supports principle, and the novelty of the situation may even in

caution. But, it is not in the nature of things that their conduct should remain always equalSooner or later But, after a few months, another fit of somOn rousing from it, shely correct, or the interest of the public as little bank notes would be issued to excess. They nolency invaded her. would consequently depreciate, and even the found herself restored to the state she was be endangered with new men. fore the first paroxysm; but was wholly ignorant of every event and occurrence that had befallen her afterwards. The former condition dread, the bare probability of this occurrence of her existence she now calls the old state, and is a most serious evil. the latter the new state; and she is as unconscious of her double character as two distinct are of their respective separate napersons tures.

||

For it cannot too often be recalled to mind that security is the aim and object which men have in view when forming themselves into civilized communities. That it is the tie be tween morality and self love; the acquisition which alone reconciles to reason a strict adheFor example, in her old state she possesses all her original knowledge; in her new state only what she has acquired since. If a gentle-rence to the rules of the former, and which in

1

demnifies us for the sacrifices which the social | impending depreciation, if we suffer our mocompact requires. To this compact we are ney-matters to remain in their present situachiefly indebted for our great superiority over tion, the absolute want of a general currency the brute creation, and all our institutions and is a most serious evil. Not only every statearrangements should constantly tend to its pre-almost every county, and every town have a servation. But whenever security is impaired, money of their own, and, accordingly as in whether of person, or of property already ac their mutual intercourse the balances of trade quired, or of plans, pursuits, calculations, in- vary, or, as their money has been manufacturdustriouly followed for the sake of acquiring ited with more or less indiscretion, that of one by honourable means, then the very founda- district will bear a premium, or be at a distion of society, its most essential and preserv count, with regard to that of another. These ing principle, is endangered. The parts may differences, and rapid changes of respective hang together for a while, from long connex- value, would become greater with the progress ion, after it has been materially weakened, or of general depreciation, and this itself would ceased to exist, but the slightest shock, exter- become the more horrible in its consequences nally, or from within and they fall asunder. on that account.-They would cause, and alWith this all important security a steady val ready cause at this moment, the greatest emue of the circula ing medium is most closely barrassments to domestic trade, and all such connected. As soon as it begins to fluctuate, embarrassments operate uniformly in favour we find the prices of all commodities unsettled. of the wily and dishonest, whilst they injure Contracts on time can no longer be entered in the fair dealer. A further consequence is, the to with any degree of safety. The doubtful unequal pressure of the duties, and other imstate of things paralyses the usual business posts, payable to the government, which by The most judicious combinations for profit be- the use of treasury notes is but partially and come precarious in their results, and people, imperfectly repaired. The injustice felt, disin the difficulty of doing justice to themselves, poses merchants to defraud the revenue, and relax in doing justice to others. As deprecia || operates inimically with regard to the contintion makes progress, conscientiousness, and uance of the federal union. We greatly fear delicacy of conduct, whenever property is con that it cannot be preserved many years longer, cerned, vanish. Good faith in trade exists no unless a general currency be restored. The longer. The moral principle-to which steadi- difficulties, experienced from the same cause ness and order are alone congenial-gives way. by the general government, are sufficiently Men in office conceive that they have a right apparent from the late report of the secretary to indemnify themselves by indirect means, for of he treasury, and we have ourselves prethe loss they suffer in consequence of the di dicted that they would occur, long before they minished value of their appointments. Men in had actually taken place* The same difficulbusiness seize every advantage they can to re- ties destroy the simplicity of public accounts, pair past losses, against which they could not and afford to men in office opportunities of unguard, or to make provisions against those,|| fair gains perhaps not easily resisted. How with which they conceive themselves threaten- much they would have clogged the exertions ed. The practice of cheating, and over-reach-of the government in the prosecution of the ing, spreads. Establishments, requiring large war, had it con inued, will force itself on the investments, and of which the returns are late observation of every reflecting mind. In short, and gradual, languish, and are at last discon- the want of a national currency is an evil not tinued. All important operations, of distant to be endured, alike inimical to public and emoluments are neglected. The whole nation private integrity, alike embarrassing to the seems at last to exist only from day to day. government and to individuals, and moreover All is gambling. A mean trafic and paltry highly injurious to the credit of the United speculations in the depreciated currency are States abroad. the prevailing pursuit. Character gives no longer credit. Honesty is useless. A total perversion of all rule obtains. While fair men suffer, bad men thrive. Brokers and usures fatten on the diseased body politic. Magistrates become now habitually corrupt; justice venal, protection uncertai

And this is not an imaginary picture, but a faithful one, drawn from actual observation, for nearly such is the state of things at present in the south of Germany, where a depreciated currency frequently fluctuates from twenty to thirty per cent. in the twenty-four hours. It has there been traced in still bolder features, and ex

PUBLIC DOCUMENTS.

It has been very properly remarked, that nothing is searched after with so much anxiety as an OFFICIAL DOCUMENT, and that nothing appears so stale and insipid on a second perusal. The proprietor of the Register is fully sensible of this difficulty, and he is perfectly aware that his entry upon the duties of his office, is exhibited without having been thought exagge-tremely ungracious. He is compelled to rated. We present it here to our readers, because we think it of great importance that the lumber his columns with a tedious documagnitude of the evils should be felt, not un-mentary mass of matter, which has been der which we labour, but towards which we already read and forgotten. He acknowlare verging, and which we shall infallibly inflict on ourselves, if we neglect guarding against them, while it remains in our power.

Besides the danger, if not certainty, of an

Outlines of a plan for the better regulation of the circulating medium.-See American Review,

Vol. III.

our answer upon the three subjects to which the conversation related.

edges this to be an evil, and his friends and patrons must likewise acknowledge it to be an unavoidable evil. The pages stated, that four or five days might be necessary In the interview with lord Castlereagh, he had of the Register must embrace infor on their part, to prepare for the proposed convermation of this character, for the conve- sation Nearly three weeks having elapsed withnience of reference hereafter. As no al-out hearing further on the subject, we took what ternative remains to the proprietor, but appeared to us, a fit ccasion to intimate our ineither fairly to confront this difficulty attention of leaving London. A few days after, we the outset, or to make the file of his paper the board of trade, Mr. Robinson, to call at his received an invitation from the vice president of incomplete, by rejecting such intelligence, office on the 11th instant; we accordingly attendhe has not hesitated for a moment which ed and were received by him and Messrs. Goulcourse to adopt. He trusts that his pa- burn and Adams, two or the British commissiontrons will feel and appreciate his embar-ers, who had negotiated the treaty of Ghent. rassment. He looks with anxiety for the arrival of the hour, when his paper will proceed in a regular course, and he felicitates himself in the conviction, that the ensuing numbers will amply compensate for the tax which he now levies on the patience of his patrons. He may be deceived, for error is the lot of humanity; he may indulge himself in dreams equally splendid and delusive; but these he is proud to say will be honest errors, and his friends may rely upon it, that no exertions on his part As to the commercial intercourse, without at will be wanting faithfully to fulfill his en- this time going into details, or minor points, gagements. He has endeavoured to give which it might be necessary in the progress of these numbers, burdened as they unavoid- the negociation to adjust, we would content our ably are with documents, a little variety; selves in this unofficial conversation, with touch. and he trusts that he shall hereafter being on the most important topics, which it seemed enabled, by the assistance of his friends, to make the Register worthy of that patronage which has been already generously bestowed in advance.

COMMERCIAL CONVENTION. Documents transmitted by the President to the Senate, with the Convention of Commerce between Great Britain and the

United States.

what had led to this interview, and professed
They opened the conversation by adverting to
themselves to be ready to receive any proposį-
tions we might choose to make. We observed,
that in the treaties which America had heretofore
made, particularly with this country, regulating
comprised two subjects, one, which respected
commercial intercourse, there were generally
commercial regulations, applicable to a state of
peace, as well as of war; the other, which res-
pected the rights and duties of the parties; one
being at war, and the other remaining at peace.
to bring forward both those subjects.
Accordingly, our government had instructed us

to us desirable to discuss and arrange. These were, that the two countries should respectively be placed on the footing of the nation the most favored; that in the trade between America and the British European dominions, all discriminating duties, on tonnage and on merchandise, either imported, or exported, should be abolished. That the trade between America and the British West Indies should be regulated, and placed on some more permanent basis, than the occasional acts kind of intercourse between America and the adjoining British provinces should be defined, and

of the colonial authorities: That the nature and

provided for: And that the trade with the British India possessions should be opened to Amer. sioners, Messrs. Clay and Gallatin, to the Semarked, that a proposition to abolish them, first In regard to the discriminating duties, we re

Extract of a Letter from the American Commisica on liberal principles

cretary of State, dated

46

came from Great Britain, and a provision to that LONDON, MAY 18, 1815. effect was inserted in the unratified treaty of 1806. Having had reason to believe that the Bri- Congress had taken up the matter at their last tish government had abstained from answering session, and passed an act which we explained. the communication of the joint commission from || We thought it desirable that they should be aGhent; of the day of December, 1814, until bolished, in order to prevent these collisions, and they received official information of the Ameri- that system of commercial warfare, in which the can ratification of the Treaty of Peace, we two countries would probably be involved by an thought it advisable, soon after that event was adherence to them. As an example, we mentionknown to us, to repair to this city, in order thated the great extra duty, to which, as we underwe might ascertain the disposition of this Government as to the commercial intercourse between the two countries.

stood, the article of cotton was liable, by the British laws, when imported in foreign vessels, and which, if persisted in, would certainly be met by some countervailing regulations.

Shortly after our arrival here we were invited by lord Castlereagh to an interview with him A With respect to the trade to British India, we minute of the substance of the conversation observed, that we had no equivalent to offer for which took place on that occasion, as drawn up it; that it was for Great Britain to consider, wheand agreed to by the parties, is enclosed. Wether a commerce, consisting as it did, almost encommunicated to Mr. Goulburn, the next day, tirely in the excliange of our specie for India pre....

|

duce, was not of a nature to deserve the most liberal encouragement: but, that we had rather enter into no stipulation on the subject than be estricted to a direct intercourse as had been proposed by the unratified treaty, both on the outward and return voyage.

fore opposed a satisfactory arrangement on this subject. Still it was one of such vital importance, so tending to bring the two countries into collision, that it was impossible it should receive a consideration too earnest and too anxious

by the conquest of those colonies by Great Britain, but many of them having been restored at the peace, the disputes which heretofore existed might again arise. The former arrangements on this subject might, with some modifications, serve as a basis.

We then stated, that we did not intend, in this preliminary and unofficial conversation, to discuss the other points belonging to this branch of the subject. A definition of blockades was desirable and could not, it seemed, be attended with much difficulty, as we believed that there was no real difference between the two countries with respect to the abstract principle. But we appre hended that the disputes which might hereafter take place on that subject, would arise almost exclusively from questions of fact, which no previous definition could prevent.

As, in the event of war, Great Britain might desire to know the disposition of our government on the subject of privateers and prizes, we would only now say, that the principle which might be adopted with respect to Great Britain, whether of admission or exclusion, must equally and impartially apply to all the parties to the war.

These were all the topics noticed by us, and we enforced and illustrated them by various other observations.

The next point which it seemed to us important On the other subject, the rights and duties of to settle, was the trade of America with the colthe parties, one being at war, and the other in a onies of the enemies of Great Britain. Towards condition of peace, we proceeded to remark, that the end of the last European war, questions whilst the prospect of a long European peace ap-growing out of that trade had been terminated peared to exist, as was the case when the treaty of Ghent was concluded, it was less important to provide for questions arising under this head. But it was impossible to shut our eyes to the demonstrations every where making of a new war, which, if it should assume a maritime character, might again menace the harmony and good understanding between the two countries. It was desirable, therefore, to anticipate and provide for the evit The first and most important point was that of impressment Great Britian had always professed a willingness to receive and consider any proposition which America should be disposed to make on that subject. It would, perhaps, be unprofitable at this time to go into a discussion of the right. as to which we would merely remark, that it was impossible that there could be a stronger conviction on the part of Great Britain, that it was with her, than there was on the part of America, that it was on her side. It was better to look to some practical arrangement, by which, without concession of right either party, the mischiefs complained of on both sides might be prevented. To this end the attention of our government has been turned. We believed that Great Britam had never heretofore contended that the American government was bound to prohibit the merchants of the United States from employing foreign seamen, any more The British Gentlemen, professing not to have than it was bound to forbid their shipping con- expected those points to be brought forward traband articles. America was, however; now which applied to a belligerent state of one of the willing to take upon herself such an obligation, parties, expressed a wish to know, whether, in and to exclude British seamen from her mer- our view, the two subjects were inseparable, and chant service, and we believed such exclusion whether we could not come to an agreement on might be as effectually executed as our revenue those topics, which were probably less difficult laws -Here we called their attention to the act. to be adjusted, leaving the others for further conwhich congress had passed on that subject, and sideration, and future arrangement? We replied, of the message of the president to that body to- that heretofore they had always been blended towards he close of its last session, upon the sup-gether by our gevernment, and that we intended position, that if the exclusion of British seamen to bring them all for consideration; that at preshould be absolute and entire, there would not sent, however, we only presented them for consilonger exist any ground for the claim of impress-deration; as it would be premature at this time to ment, and of course no objection to its abandon-make any of them a sine qua non; and that wheWe stated, that besides the motive which ther a treaty, omitting some of them would be existed with our government of guarding against acceptable, must depend on its general tenor, and collision with Great Britain, another powerful upon the extent and importance of the subjects one operated, that of encouraging our native sea- which might be comprehended in the arrange. men and of not being obliged to rely on the uncertain supply of foreigners. To this system, as a They proceeded to remark, that some of the substitute for that of impressment, it did not ap- subjects had been always found to involve expear to us that Great Britain could object, unless treme difficulty, particularly that of impressment; it was thought to be impracticable in its execution. that Great Britain was certainly prepared at all We had no doubt ourselves, that even admittting times, to receive and to consider any proposition that there might be, as in cases of smuggling, oc- that America might be disposed to make in recasional instances of evasion of the system of ex- lation to it; but one of the gentlemen remarked, clusion, it would nevertheless be, upon the whole that from the deep interest which was felt by much more favorable in its result to Great Bri-Great Britain in it, she must view with great jealtain. This system would apply to, and operate ousy, by which he said he meant vigilance, any upon, every American vessel; whilst that of im- such proposition; that the enquiry which they pressment reached only the cases of those vessels had just made as to our willingness to separate with which it accidently came in contact. We the two subjects, proceeded from a wish to ascerwere aware of the difficulties which had bereto-tain whether it were likely that any practical re

ment.

ment.

« SebelumnyaLanjutkan »