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Congress in respect to the loyal citizens in Southern States, 125.

In the House, motion to elect a Speaker, 126; first Bettle who are members of the House, 126; if Tennessee is not in the Union and its people aliens, by what right does the President hold his seat? 126; reasons of the Clerk for omitting certain States, 126; Louisiana representatives, 126; Schuyler Colfax chosen Speaker, 127; his speech, 127; takes the oath, 127.

Motion for a joint committee of fifteen, 123; adopted, 123.

In the Senate, credentials of Mississippi Senators presented, 128; resolutions of the Vermont Legislature on reconstruction of Southern States, 123.

In the House, election of Chaplain, 128; C. B. Boynton nominated, 128; his qualifications, 128; Thos. H. Stockton nominated, 128; his qualifications, 128; Chas. B. Parsons nominated, 129; his qualifications, 129; L. C. Matlock nominated, 129; his qualifications, 129; Thos. H. Stockton's nomination seconded, 129; James Presley nominated, 129; his qualifications, 129; James G. Butler nominated, 129; his qualifications, 129; J. H. C. Bouté nominated, 129; his qualifications, 129; B. H. Nadal nominated, 129; his qualifications, 129; John W. Jackson nominated, 129; his qualifications, 129; John Chambers nominated, 130; his qualifications, 180; Gen. Grant suggested, 130; election of C. B. Boynton, 180.

Resolution relative to repudiation of the public debt, 130; adopted, 130.

Resolutions on amendments to the Constitution, 130; read and referred, 130; resolution to base representation on the number of electors instead of population, 130.

Resolutions relative to amendments of the Constitution, 131; do. on the origin of powers of government, taxation, color, and mercy to enemies, 131.

In the Senate, resolution calling upon the President for information respecting the Southern States, 131; his reply, 181; report of Gen. Grant, 182; call for Gen. Schurz's report, 133; discussion, 133.

In the House, resolution to admit Southern representatives to the floor pending the question of their admission, 183; do. calling for information relative to a decree of peonage in Mexico, 183.

In the Senate, a resolution for a joint committee of fifteen on reconstruction, 133; amendment to refer all papers to said committee, 133; the House resolution is a pledge to each House not to readmit Southern States until a report has been made, 134; present position of those States, 134; not to-day loyal States, 134; the purpose for both Houses, 134; construction of the resolution, 134; all these questions should be referred to the Committee on the Judiciary, 135; it is constituted to consider such questions, 135; the Senate does not stand on an equality with the House in the proposed committee, 135; the resolution reaches beyond the power of the present Congress, 185; suppose this provision had been in the resolution to raise the Committee on the Conduct of the War, 135; the two Houses under the Constitution, 185; the resolution takes from the Senate all power to act until a report is made, 136; it excludes eleven States of the Union, 136; status of the States, 186; the disorganization did not destroy States, 186; important to have a committee, 136; the committee could accomplish all with reference of credentials or change in the order of business, 187; the admission of Senators is not involved in this question, 137; many things been done for which there was no authority, 137; what determines the rights of States to be represented here, 188; resolution adopted after the battle of Manassas, 138; shall a report of a joint committee of the two Houses override a fundamental

law of the land? 138; this subject belongs exclusively to the Senate, 138; what is the resolution? 183; State organizations in certain States of the Union have beca usurped and overthrown, 183; amendment offered, 189; the committee can give us no information which we do not now possess, 139; duty of the President, 139; what has he done? 189; amendment rejected, 139; resolution adopted, 139; the resolution, 139; considered in the House, 189; does it not conflict with the seventh section of the first article of the Constitution, 140; committee appointed, 140; reference of all papers to committee, 140; authority to send for persons and papers granted, 140.

In the Senate, instructions to the reconstruction committee, 140.

In the House, resolutions relative to class rule and aristocracy as a privileged power, 141.

141;

In the House, reference of President's message, first duty of Congress to pass a law declaring the condition of these outside or defunct States, and providing proper civil governments for them, 141; never should be reorganized as in the Union until the Constitution has been so amended as to secure perpetual ascendency to the Union party, 141; representation from these States, 141; duty on exports, 141; Congress is bound to provide for the emancipated slaves until they can take care of themselves, 142; two things of vital importance, 142; a white man's government, 142; this Congress should set the seal of reprobation upon such a doctrine, 142; this is not a white man's government, 142.

In the House, a resolution relative to the debt of the late Confederacy, 143.

Do. for an equitable division of arms among the Northern States, 148.

Do, relative to the extension of the elective franchise in States, 143.

A bill to enable syal citizens in Southern States to form a constitution and State government, 143.

Amendment to the Constitution relative to the Confederate debt, reported from the Judiciary Committee, 143; action of the House, 143–144.

Resolution relative to retaining the military force of the Government in the Southern States, 144; passed, 144.

Do. on the legitimate consequences of the war, 144. Do. on the President's Message, and the principles therein advocated, 144; referred to the Joint Committee, 145.

Do. on the support of the measures of the President by the House, 145.

Do. on the proper requirements to be secured from the Southern States on establishing Federal relations with them, 145.

Do. on the grants of powers under the Constitution, etc., 145.

A joint resolution from the Reconstruction Com mittee relative to representation and taxation, 146; purposes to change the basis of representation to a representation upon all persons, provided where a State excludes a particular class, it shall not be entitled to representation for that class, 146; its adoptioa would prevent qualified suffrage to colored people, 146; many reasons for its commendation, 146; these propositions introduced only for the purpose of agitation, 146; objections to the resolution, 146; amend ment offered, 147; the question towers above all party consideration, 147; this action is proposed on the pris ciple that the Southern States are subjugated, 147; the principle examined, 147; resolution recommitted, 147; reported back amended, 147; adopted, 145,

Resolutions on the right of secession, powers of Congress, and the separation of the black race from the whites, 148.

Resolution on secession, rights of blacks, and recognition of the Confederate debt, 148.

Resolutions on the object of the war, the necessity of maintaining the suspension of the habeas corpus, and the military occupation of the Southern States, 149; adopted, 149.

In the Senate, amendment of the Constitution relative to the apportionment of representation considered, 149; nothing less than another compromise of human rights, 149; counter proposition offered, 149; in vain to expect the return of the Southern States to the Union until that security for the future found in the equal rights of all, whether in the court-room or ballot-box, was ob tained, 149; necessity and duty of exercising the jurisdiction of Congress, 149; impartial suffrage asked, 150; the ballot equally necessary to the freedmen and to the Republic, 150; amendment proposed, 150; views of the committee in recommending the joint resolution, 150; various plans of reconstruction considered, 151; upon what principle does this proposition rest, 151; on a political policy, 151; the amendment presents an alternative to each State, 152; negro and Asiatic suffrage must be adopted, or a State will be stripped of a portion of its power under the Constitution, 152; a question of incalculable importance, 152; opens the whole vast subject of reconstruction, 152; most important proposition ever brought before Congress, 153; eloquence of Chatham and Brougham, 153; argument for rejection examined, 153; what shall be done, 154; reply to objections, 154; amendments offered, 154; adopted, 154.

In the House, concurrent resolution from reconstruction committee to admit no Senator or Representative until Congress declares the right of the State to representa tion, 155; minority report, 155; resolution adopted, 155.

In the Senate, concurrent resolution received from the House, 155; explanation, 155; further explanation, 156; statements of the President relative to an irresponsible directory, 156; further examination of the President's remarks, 157; legislative power granted to the committee, 157; nobody but Congress the right to settle the preliminary question whether the States are entitled to have representatives here or not, 157; reason why committee proposed this proposition, 158; resolution important, in order that Congress may assert distinctly its own rights and its own powers, 158; where are we? 158; are we confined merely to a question of papers? 159; the President has spoken unguardedly, 159; what are the consequences of successful war? 159; Vattel, 159; the consequences of civil war precisely the same, 159; does our form of government change in any way the nature and inevitable legal consequences of a civil war? 160; the Constitution has not specifically provided for a civil war, 160; it never contemplated civil war, 160; a State may be utterly extinguished and swept out of existence by civil war, 160; a State may forfeit its status, 160; the great abuse that these States were not admitted to representation while the Government was going on to tax them, 161; not been together ninety days when we are called upon to admit Senators and Representatives, 161; by civil war they lost all rights, 161; as soon as it can be done safely, these States should be reestablished in the Union, 162; meaning of the resolution, 162; it asserts that with Congress alone rests the. duty of defining when a State once declared to be in insurrection, shall be admitted to representation, 162; the Wade-Davis bill, 162; other propositions, 163; test the

proposition by the simplest principles of constitutional law, 168; the power must vest in Congress, 163; the bare assertion of this power does not tend to promote the object stated in the resolution, 164; the real difficulty in this whole matter has been the unfortunate failure of the executive and legislative branches of the Government to agree upon some plan of reconstruction, 164; a proper law passed at the end of the last session would have prevented all controversy, 164; Lincoln regretted he had not accepted the Wade-Davis bill, 165; having failed to do our constitutional duty, have we a right now to arraign Andrew Johnson for following out a plan which in his judgment he deemed best? 165; what is the condition of these States? 165; what is the legal result of a State being in insurrection? 165; the steps adopted by President Johnson in his plan of reconstruction, 166; with a single stroke he swept away the whole superstructure of the rebellion, 166; the first element of his plan, 166; agencies and organs which the plan was to go on, 166; full and ample protection to the freedmen enforced, 167; what are the objections to this policy? 167; the principal, that he did not extend his invitation to all the loyal men of the Southern States, including the colored as well as the white, 167; the prejudice of the army was against negro suffrage, 167; we complain that the President has not exercised the power to extend to freedmen the right of suffrage, when Congress never has done it, 168; we have never conferred the right to vote on negroes in Territories, 168; what are the two great systems of.policy with regard to reconstruction and reunion on which the minds of the people are now divided? 168; one or the other must be adopted, 169; impossible that the public mind can be diverted by any other question, 169; what is the present condition of the Southern States? 169; the character of the Government under which we live, 169; is the Government created by the Constitution a national Government? 170; not only is the power of the Government limited in its legislative department, but it is equally limited in its judicial department, 171; the Constitution never contemplated that the States should cease to exist, 171; it is asserted that their relations as States to the Government have terminated, 171: the resolution of 1862, 171; what provision is there in the Constitution which puts it in the authority of this body to deny to any State an equal representation with the other States, 172; a cardinal principle that each State should be entitled to equal suffrage in the Senate, 172; what are we doing? 172; it is said to be an error to suppose that the insurrection was put down by using that clause of the Constitution, "to suppress insurrection," 172; decision in prize cases, 178; what was the question before the court? 173; blot out the States, and the Government is ended, 178; case in point, 173; why are these courts in these States? 174; the right of war, 174; what, the Government conquer States, and by virtue of that conquest extingnish States? 174; rights of conquest, 174; a great many thought the insurrection had a just foundation, 175; meaning of this resolution, 175; two purposes intended by the resolution, 175; it undertakes to establish the idea that these States have to be brought back into the Union by act of Congress, 176; all abolitionists now, 176; who dare say he is not an abolitionist? 176; we shall prevail, 176; in one month, every man here who claims he is not a Radical, will wish he had been, 177; let us for a minute contemplate this most extraordinary proposition, 177; a setting aside of the Constitution itself, 177; the whole is monstrous, no matter in what light it may be viewed, 177; we have no right to do this, 178; the action of the two Houces should be kept

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separate, 178; has not the Constitution settled this question? 178; in the act of March 4, 1862, 178; the resolution is revolutionary and destructive, 179; I would keep out traitors, not keep out States, 179; the country is alarmed, the people are anxious, 179; why these new measures? 179; who introduced this cause of dissension? 179; if we choose to admit or refuse to admit Senators on this floor, what has the House of Representatives to do about it? 180; this body is independent of the House, 180; a division between what are called the Radicals and the Conservatives, 180; if our Radical friends do not want to get run over, they had better get off the track, 150; this is to overcome the letter of the Constitution by a resolution of both Houses, 181; nothing said about the right of each House in the resolution, 181; the question of admission is always in the hands of a majority, 181; we owe it to ourselves that this matter shall be properly investigated, 181; resolution adopted, 182.

In the House, a resolution relative to the continued contumacy in the Southern States, 182.

Resolution for amending the Constitution relative to the power of Congress to make laws affording protection to persons and property, 182; resolutions relative to the power of Congress for the protection of emancipated slaves, freedmen, etc., 182,

Joint resolution for amending the Constitution reported by the committee on reconstruction, 182.

A bill to provide for restoring the States lately in insurrection to their full political rights, 183.

A bill declaring certain persons ineligible to office under the Government of the United States, 183.

In the House, the joint resolution for amending the Constitution considered, 183; magnitude of the task imposed on the committee, 183; would not refuse to do what was possible, 183; the proposition is not all that the committee desired, 184; the great labor of the committee, 184; provisions of the proposed amendment, 184; first section prohibits the States from abridging the privileges of citizens of the United States, 184; the second section fixes the basis of representation, 185; the third section prohibits rebels from voting for members of Congress and electors of President until 1870, 155; motion to recommit, 185; inauspicious time to propose to amend the Constitution, 186; regret we have not found the situation of affairs and the virtue of the country such that we might come out on the plain, unanswerable proposition that every adult intelligent citizen shall enjoy the right of suffrage, 186; joint resolution passed, 186.

In the Senate, joint resolution of the committee considered, 186; the resolution is the result of an investigation into the social condition of the Southern States, 186; great object of the first section is to restrain the power of the States, 187; it abolishes all class legislation in the States, and does away with the injustice of subjecting one class of persons to a code not applicable to another, 187; the second section does not recognize the authority of the United States over the question of suffrage in the several States, 187; the three-fifths principle has ceased with the destruction of slavery, 188; numbers, not property, is the theory of the Constitution, 188; the third section cannot be of any practical benefit, 188; amendment moved, 189; other amend⚫ments moved, 189; amendments considered, 190; all persons are citizens proposed, 190; moved to except Indians, 190; moved to except Chinese, 190; modifications, 191; adopted, 191; manner of the appointment of this committee, 192; who has won? 192; what are the facts of the business? 192; an examination of the caucus

measure, 192; this thing cannot succeed, 193; the fourth section provides that the public debt shall remain inviolate, 194; the fifth declares the debts contracted in aid of secession illegal, and prohibits their payment, 194; amendments adopted, 194; the resolution as amended, 194; concurred in by the House, 195.

Resolution requesting the President to transmit to Governors the joint resolution to amend the Constitution, 195; reply of the President, 195; reply of the Secretary of State, 195.

In the Senate, a bill to protect all persons in their civil rights and to vindicate the same, 196; the most impor tant measure that has been under consideration, 196; its purpose to carry into effect the Constitutional Amend. ment, 196; the first section makes all persons of African descent citizens, 196; the basis of the whole bill, 196; one of the most dangerous measures ever introduced to the Senate, 197; does the adoption of the amendment give Congress any such authority? 197; was it ever pretended that the Constitution conferred this power? 197; not a particle of constitutional warrant for the first seetion, 198; what is the meaning of the amendment? 196; views entertained by the members of the committee reporting the amendment, 198; foresaw emancipation would encounter vehement opposition in the slave States, 198; it is caid the emancipation simply relieves the slave from the obligation to render service to the master, 198; called upon to abandon the poor creature we have emancipated, 199; have the advocates of this amendment any such improper purpose? 199; no warrant in the Constitution for such legislation as this, 199; this bill is a wasp with the sting in its tail, 200; its provisions, 200; what are the objects sought to be accom plished by the bill? 200; we fear the emancipated slaves will not have their rights, 200; I want this Congress to say that in conferring these civil rights they do not mean to confer the right to vote, 200; bill passed, 201.

In the House, a bill to protect all persons in their civ 1 rights, 201; following the Constitution, 201; if all our citizens were of one race and color, we should be relieved of our difficulties, 201; this bill proposes to give to Congress more dangerous powers than any other bill, 201; no way in which these men can be protected except by the action of Congress, 202; this bill the proper remedy, 202; the sole objects of this bill to secure to that class of persons the fundamental rights of citizenship, 292; the power to pass it is derived from the second section of the late amendment to the Constitution, 202; a most issidious and dangerous measure, 202; bill recommitted. 208; reported back and passed, 203.

In the Senate, question of concurrence with the House considered, 203; veto of the President, 203; consideration of the veto, 203; provisions of the bill not unjust, 203; its features, 203; explanations, 204; bill passed over the veto, 204.

In the House, the Civil Rights bill passed over the President's veto, 204.

In the Senate, the bill to enlarge the powers of the Freedmen's Bureau considered, 205; a practical meas 19 for the benefit of the freedmen, 205; some determine to sacrifice the Union and the Constitution unless they can achieve the right of suffrage for the negro, 25; not necessary to call in the aid of the black man to the government of this country, 205; this was not a part of the verdict of the war, 206; nature and provisions of this bill, 206; claimed under the second section of the amendment that Congress may do any thing necessary in its judgment to secure to the negro all civil rights that are secured to white persons, 206; not intended to make the bureau a permanent institution, 207; object to bring

the attention of Congress to something practical, 207; it carries with it a police power objectionable in the States, 207; the dangerous powers intrusted to this bureau, 207; a magnificent bill for a Presidential election, 207; expenses of the bill, 207; land, provisions, medicines furnished to the negroes, 208; bill intended to meet an inevitable result of the war, 208; there may have been some cases during the war when the provisions of the Constitution were violated, perhaps necessarily, 209; whether we call it a war power or some other power, the power must necessarily exist, 209; the foundation of the bill, 209; we must meet it under some power, 210; objections to the bill, 210; bill passed, 210.

In the House, a substitute for the Senate bill passed, 210. In the Senate, reported back from the committee, 211; the Senate's bill with a few exceptions, 211; report concurred in and bill passed in Senate, 211; veto of the President, 211; considered in the Senate, 211; bill failed to pass, 211.

In the House, a new bill introduced and passed, 211. In the Senate, the bill considered and amendments adopted, 211; limitation of number of officers and their pay proposed, 211; approved and bill passed, 212.

In the House the amendments of the Senate not concurred in, 212; conference committee appointed in each House, 212; report of committee concurred in by the Senate, 212; report in the House explained, 212; details of the amendments, 212; report concurred in by the House, 213; veto of the President, 213; bill repassed by the House, 214; ditto by the Senate, 214.

In the House, a bill relative to the responsibility of officers considered, 215; object to relieve all persons acting under military authority from responsibility when sued for acts done, 215; an order from a military officer a defence, 215; State courts have held an order from the President to be necessary, 215; character of the evidence, 215; removal of the action, 215; similar provision in the Force bill of 1883, 215; other features of the bill, 215; bill wholly in the interest of one of the litigant parties, 216; the plaintiff may have just cause of action, 216; contrary to the fundamental provisions of the Government, 216; legalizes as proof what is unknown to the laws, 217; bill passed, 217.

In the Senate, amendment moved to the bill, 217; there are limits beyond which it is not only unsafe but unwise to go, 217; act of 1863, 218; a precedent for this class of legislation, 218; the term "martial law," 218; object of this bill, 218; the bill only simple justice, 219; amendment lost, 219; moved to strike out, 219; your act proposes to punish in damages for an honest judicial opinion, 219; he utters words in defiance of the authority of the United States, 219; this transfer of causes not contemplated in the Constitution, 219; extraordinary provisions of this bill, 220; are State judges to be punished for an error of judgment? 220; cases in which State courts have refused to transfer, 220; many cases, 220; how did it happen there was any precedent for this thing? 221; the section contains a sound principle, 221; is there any thing in this statute contrary to the Constitution? 222; motion lost, bill passed, 222; House non-concurs, 222; conference committees appointed, 222; bill passed, 222.

In the House, credentials of persons from Tennessee presented, 223; a question of order, 223; reference to Committee of Fifteen moved, 223; withdrawn, 223; joint resolution to restore Tennessee offered, 223; two reasons against it. 223; Tennessee is as republican as Massachusetts, 223; resolution passed, 224; resolution amended in the Senate, 224; agreed to by the House,

224; resolution passed, 224; message of the President approving the same, 224; members sworn in, 225.

In the Senate, a report on the protest of members of the New Jersey Legislature, 225; the report, 226; amendment moved to the resolution that John P. Stockton is entitled to his seat by inserting the word "not" moved, 227; a majority was necessary to constitute a valid election, 227; the Legislature of New Jersey might say a plurality should elect, 227; Senators are to be chosen by the Legislature, not by legislators, 228; nothing but the Constitution of the United States can bind the Legislature, 228; the State constitution defines what the Legislature shall consist of, 228; the Constitution of the United States does not pretend to say how a Legislature shall be organized, 228; vote of Mr. Morrill, 228; vote of Mr. Stockton, 228; explanations, 229; motion to amend the journal by striking out the vote of Stockton, 229; by the principles of natural and parliamentary law no man could be a judge in his own case, 229; not a bona fide examination of the right of the New Jersey Senator to his seat, 280; amendment withdrawn, motion to reconsider the vote on Stockton's right to his seat, 230; reasons for this right, 230; vote taken and vacancy declared, 231.

In the Senate, a bill to regulate the time and manner of holding elections for Senators in Congress, 231; features of the bill, 231; passed in both Houses, 231.

In the Senate, a bill for the admission of Colorado considered, 231; a protest, 231; three distinct objections to the admission, 232; irregularity of the proceedings, small population, no enabling act, 282: constitution not republican, 232; amendment offered, 232; right of nogroes to vote, belongs to the States, 232; question of population, 233; the word "white" in the constitution is a great reason why she should not be admitted, 284; bill rejected, 234; reconsideration moved, 234; bill passed, 235; passed in the House, 235; veto of the President, 235.

Anniversary of President Lincoln's death observed by both Houses, 236; introduction of the orator of the day, 237.

In the Senate, a resolution relative to the attempted assassination of the Emperor of Russia, 237; amendment moved, 237; lost, 238; resolution passed in both Houses, 238.

In the House, a resolution offered that the Freedmen's Bureau is unnecessary and unconstitutional, and that measures be taken to repeal all acts relative thereto, 238; not received, 238.

In the House a committee to investigate riots at Memphis resolved upon, 238.

In the House, a resolution relative to levying contributions on the Southern States to defray the expenses of the war offered, 239; passed, 239; do. to support the President, 239.

In the House, resolutions relative to Jefferson Davis offered, 239; do. in the Senate, 240; do. in the House, 240; passed, 240.

In the Senate, a resolution that no person receive compensation as a public officer before confirmation by the Senate, where such confirmation is required, 240; how is this constitutional? 240.

The power of the President to remove from office a controverted point from the foundation of the Govern ment, 241; the laws have not been uniform, 241; law of 1863, 241; the control of the revenues of the country is not in the hands of the President, 241; in one sense Congress has a right to refuse to pay salaries, 241; two ways to get rid of the President, 242; the consequences of this precedent in future, 242; the proposition is very

simple, 242; why attach these propositions to appropri-
ation bills? 242; the debate of 1759, 248; the power of
removals, how exercised heretofore, 243.

Amendment modified, 243; the question is, whether
under the Constitution the President has the power to
remove officers without the consent of the Senate, 243;
no member of the Congress of 1789 ever suggested that
the President could be compelled to keep around him
any Cabinet officer whom he desired to displace, 244;
what would be the condition of the country without the
power of removal? 244; conduct of the President, 244;
we have no right to require the President, in case of re-
movals, to give his reasons, 244; payment to appointees
during recess might be deferred, 245; this proposition is
whether a hundred millions of money shall be placed in
the hands of the President and always kept there, 245;
the power of removals has been the settled doctrine since
1789, 245; a change in the construction of the Constitu-
tion not to be sanctioned, 245; amendment adopted, 246;
bill passed, 246; vote reconsidered, 246; scope and mean-
ing of the amendment, 246; class of cases which it is de-
signed to reach, 246; if we believe the President has not
the legal and constitutional power of removal, why not
say so 246; if the design is to deprive the President of
the power of removal, why not say so? 247; what is the
real purpose and object of this amendment? 247; a differ-
ence between the President and Congress, 247; neither
shows a disposition to yield, 247; the amendment will
prevent the President from making changes in office for
political causes, 248; the whole thing is founded in a
mistaken lack of faith in the people, 248; no reliance
can be placed now on the experience of former days,
248; the people anxious to have the Union restored,
218; the Union masses stand firmly with Congress, 219;
this power of the President denied in the army and
navy, 249; Congress may authorize the President to ap-
point and remove inferior officers without the advice
and consent of the Senate, 250; we ought to meet at the
outset every effort to attach these political problems to
an appropriation bill, 250; in the case provided for by
this amendment there is no denial of the power of re-
moval, but a denial of the right of the officer to receive
his money, 250; effect of the amendment, 250; the
amendment does not accomplish the purpose it has in
view, 251; motion to reconsider agreed to, 251; amend-
⚫ment rejected, 252.

In the House, a resolution relative to the elective fran-
chise in the Territories, 252; referred, 252; close of the
session, 252.

C'ONKLING, ROSCOE.-Representative from New York, 124;
offers a resolution on reconstruction, 145; on represent-
ation and taxation, 146.

Connecticut-The political canvass in 1866, 252; candidates,

252; Democratic Convention, 252; proceedings, 252;
meeting of the Republican Convention, 253; resolutions
relative to President Johnson, 253; effect of the veto of
the Freedmen's Bureau bill, 253; rumors of the sym-
pathy of the President with the Democrats, 253; com-
munication from citizens of the State, 258; delegations
to the President, 253, 254; the President's views, 254;
correspondence between the Hartford postmaster and
President Johnson, 254; closeness of the contest, 254;
veto of the Civil Rights bill, 254; result of the election,
255; total vote, 255; meeting of the Legislature, 255;
address of the Governor, 255; acts of the Legislature,
256; State debt, 256; school fund, 256; donations to
Yale College, 256; banks, 256; State charities, 257; Ad-
jutant-General's report, 257; vital statistics, 257; tobacco
crop, 257.

CONOLLY, JOHN.-Birth, 257; pursuits, 257; death, 257.

Cook, BURTON C.-Representative from Illinois, 124; on the
Civil Rights Bill, 202; on the bill to relieve offeers, 215,
Corea.-Dependency of China, 255; area, 258; population,
253; murder of missionaries, 258; religion suppressed,
258; French expedition against the peninsula, 258; st-
tacks, 258; successes, 258; advance of the Corean army,
259; reported repulse of the French, 259; capture of an
American schooner by pirates, 259.

Costa Rica.-See Central America.
Cotton.-Product in the United States, 259; receipts at the
various seaports and exports in 1866, 259; average an
nual increase during a series of years, 250; comparative
prices at New Orleans, 260; the tax on cotton, 200; its
effects, 260; culture of cotton in foreign countries, 261;
computed real value of the imports of cotton into Great
Britain in ten months, 260; exports of cotton from Great
Britain, 261; memorial of New York Chamber of Com-
merce on cotton tax, 261.

COTTON, GEORGE EDWARD LYNCH-Birth, 261; parsuits,
261; death, 261.

COWAN, EDGAR.-Senator from Pennsylvania, 124; presents
credentials of Senators from Mississippi, 123; offers reso-
lution calling for information on condition of the South,
131; on reconstruction committee, 137; on the excla
sion of Southern members, 177; on the Civil Rights bill,
198; on the Freedmen's Bureau bill, 207; on the bill to
protect officers, 221.

CRAIK, GEORGE LILLIE-Birth, 261; writings, 262; death,
262.

Crete.-See Candia.

CUMMING, ROUALEYN GEORGE GORDON.-Birth, 262; adven-
tures, 262; death, 262,

CUMMINGS, JEREMIAH W.-Birth, 262; career, 202; death,

262.

CUMMINS, MARIA S.-Birth, 262; writings, 263; death, 902
CURTIS, Major-General SAMUEL R.—Birth, 262; military ca-
reer, 263; death, 263.

CUTLER, Major-General LYSANDER.-Birth, 263; career, 233:
death, 263.

D

DAVIS, EMERSON.-Birth, 263; pursuits, 263; death, 262,
DAVIS, GARRET.-Senator from Kentucky, 124; on the Freed-
men's Bureau, 210; on Stockton's right to a seat, 299.
DAVIS, JEFFERSON.-Resolution in Congress relative to, 289,
240; resolutions in Florida, 325; his case before the St-
preme Court, 513; proceedings, 513, 514; case in Mis-
sissippi, 522.

DAVIS, THOMAS T.-Representative from New York, 194;
offers a resolution, 145.

DELANO, COLUMBUS.-Representative from Ohio, 124; nomi-
nates J. II. C. Bouté for chaplain, 129.

DE LA RUE, THомAS.-Birth, 263; pursuits, 263; death 24
Delaware. The choice of officers of government, 264; total

votes, 264; resolutions adopted by the Legislature rela-
tive to the bill granting suffrage to the negroes in the
District of Columbia, 261; State debt, 264; views of the
Governor on local affairs, 264; do. on the amendavat to
the Federal Constitution, 264; action of the United
States District Court in the discharge of prisons in
Fort Delaware, 264.
Denmark.-Government, 264; area, 261; population, 264;
religious divisions of the inhabitants, 265; army, 263:
navy, 265; revision of the Constitution, 263; restoration
of Schleswig, 265.

DEWEY, CHARLES A.-Birth, 265; career, 263; death, 265
DICK, WILLIAM.-Birth, 266; pursuits, 266; death, 201
DICKINSON, DANIEL S.-Birth, 266; political career, 256;
death, 267.

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