tected in some of them beneath the mask of religion. Hume himself being the judge, the character of the Parliamentary army was very high when Bunyan joined it in 1645. "The private soldiers," Hume says, "employed their vacant hours in prayer, in perusing the Holy Scriptures, in ghostly conferences, where they compared the progress of their souls in grace, and mutually stimulated each other to further advances in the great work of their salvation. When they were marching to battle, the whole field resounded, as well with psalms and spiritual songs adapted to the occasion, as with instruments of military music; and every man endeavoured to drown the sense of present danger, in the prospect of that crown of glory which was set before him. In so holy a cause, wounds were esteemed meritorious; death, martyrdom; and the hurry and dangers of action, instead of banishing their pious visions, rather strove to impress their minds more strongly with them."—Hume's England, vol. vii. Such, in general, were the men with whom Bunyan associated, when he became a soldier. It was well for him. Had he joined the ranks commanded by Rupert he might have become as vile as "desolute Wilmot," or "licentious Goring," as Hume styles them. They are well designated. Such leaders would not have been allowed to follow Cromwell. It is well known that Cromwell's own regiment was composed of select men, "most of them freeholders, or freeholders' sons, who, upon matter of conscience, engaged in the quarrel," under him. It is not so well known, however, that he endeavoured to assimilate other regiments to his own, by means of Hampden especially. The following account of this will be readily recognized as his own. The speech was addressed to the Parliament, when they conferred with him upon their proposal, that he should assume the title of king; "From my first being captain of a troop of horse, I did labour as well as I could to discharge my trust; and God blessed me as it pleased him. I had a very worthy friend then-Mr. Hampden; and he was a very noble person; and I know his memory is very grateful to all. At my first going out into that engagement I saw our men were beaten on every hand-I did, indeed; and desired him that he would make some additions to my Lord Essex's army, of some new regiments. And I told him, it would be serviceable to him in bringing such men in as I thought had a spirit that would do something in the work. Your troops,' said I, are most of them old decayed serving men, and tapsters, and such kind of fellows: and their troops are gentlemen's sons, younger sons, and persons of quality. And do you think that the spirit of such base and mean fellows will ever be able to encounter gentlemen that have honour, and courage, and resolution in them? You must get men of a spirit; and, take it not ill what I say, of a spirit that is likely to go on as far as gentlemen will go: or else, I am sure, you will be beaten still.' I told him so. "He was a wise and worthy person, and he did think that I talked a good notion, but an unpracticable one. I told him, I could do somewhat in it; and I raised such men as had the fear of God in them, and some conscience of what they did. And from that day forth they were never beaten; but whenever they engaged the enemy, they beat continually."-Peck's Cromwell. Thus Sprat, of Oxon, had no occasion to unsay as a bishop what he sang whilst a poet: "Others, by thee, great things did do; Triumph'dst thyself, and madest them triumph too." Pindaric Ode. This is enough for my purpose, concerning both Cromwell and the Parliamentary army. What they were in relation to law or policy belongs to the historian. I have, of course, my own opinion; and, as a monarchical man, I devoutly wish that kings would cultivate Cromwell's manliness, without his cant; and the army the religious habits of his soldiers, without their vagaries. I certainly think him a usurper; but I quite agree with LOCKE, in thinking him "a mighty prince; greater far" than "Julius or Augustus.' He so ruled in peace, what he gained in war, that his character turned Locke into a poet for the moment. There is understanding, as well as imagination, in the Metaphysician's sonnet to Cromwell : "You sure from heaven a finished hero fell, Banks' Critical Rev. of Cromwell's Life. That Bunyan was in the Parliamentary, not the Royal army, is not to be learned from himself, so far as I know: and it is not proved by those who say that he was at the siege of Leicester, in 1645, except to those who know more than Hume tells. Bunyan himself says, "that he was drawn out to go to a place to besiege it;" but he does not name the place. Now the only siege of Leicester described by Hume, in 1645, was by the King's troops. That Bunyan was in the service of the Parliament is, however more than probable. Bedfordshire was one of the first counties to declare against the King. Its Annalist says, the King had "no visible party, or fixed quarters" there. It was, however, in Bedford that Bunyan enlisted: besides, the author of the Sketch of his Life (preserved in the British Museum,) who evidently knew him personally, and, had had many interviews with him, says expressly, "He often acknowledged, with uplifted hands and eyes, a wonderful providence: for, in June 1645, being at the siege of Leicester, he was called out to be one who should make a violent attack on the town, (then) vigorously defended by the King's forces against the Parliamentarians." This is decisive; and the fact is worth proving, because it will go far to prove also, that Bunyan was in the battle of Naseby; and there, as well as at the second siege of Leicester, caught some of those military tactics which enabled him, afterwards to write his "Holy War." This is reason for going into the question. my chief Now, the siege of Leicester, at which Bunyan was present, although it did not exactly begin on the very day after the battle of Naseby, was prepared for on that day, although it was the Sabbath-day. Rushworth says, that Fairfax marched on Sunday to Leicester, with all his army, to besiege it. Naseby was fought on the Saturday: the besiegers of the town were, therefore, the conquerors from that field. It is thus evident, that Bunyan was in the field; for only the army of that day was at the siege, and he was one of the besiegers. He saw, therefore, on that day, Ireton maintaining his post against the fiery Rupert, even after his thigh was run through with a pike; and Skippon refusing to quit the field, at the desire of Fairfax, although dangerously wounded; and Cromwell overwhelming Landale, and routing the King. We shall see, by and by, that he must have been an attentive observer of both the men and the manoeuvres of this great field-day. Indeed, he seems to have been a better observer of others than an expert soldier himself. This does not appear from his own account; but his first biographer says expressly, "He appearing to the officer to be somewhat awkward in handling his arms, another man voluntarily thrust himself into his place."-Life from the Museum Sketch. I mention this before giving his own account of the matter, because that is too serious to be interrupted by any explanation. He says, with great emotion, "This, also, have I taken notice of with thanksgiving :—when I was a soldier, I, with others, were drawn out to go to such a place to besiege it, but when I was just ready to go one of the company desired to go, in my room: to which, when I had consented, he took my place; and coming to the siege, as he stood sentinel, he was shot in the head and died. Here were judgment and mercy; but neither of them did awaken my soul to righteousness; wherefore I sinned still, and grew more and more rebellious against God, and careless of my own salvation." Bunyan's reason for not specifying the side on which he fought, nor the place of this escape is obvious. He was a prisoner for nonconformity when he wrote his Life; and as such, had but too many enemies, without the addition of political foes. His Book also was dedicated to his flock and friends, who were persecuted for conscience' sake at the time; and he had too much regard for them, to enable political or ecclesiastical libellers to twit them with the charge of adhering to an old Re. publican. Besides, he was contemplating at this time his "Holy War;" and, that the Leaders in that Allegory might not be identified with the Generals on either side in the civil wars, he wisely gave no clue to the sources of his knowledge. There was much wisdom in this silence; as we shall see, when that Allegory comes to be analyzed. The only thing necessary here is, to remember his extreme youth when he became a soldier, and the short period of his continuance in the army. He could hardly be seventeen years of age when he enlisted, and he left before he was nineteen. Now, although there was much to be seen in a short time, where Cromwell and Fairfax led the way, it required no ordinary eyes to trace their movements, and appreciate their tactics. Young Bunyan did both, and remembered them all through life, although he had no motive whilst observing them, but the gratification of his own curiosity. Neither the battle nor the siege suggested to him a single thought, at the time, beyond their political bearings, or their military character; but both came back upon him in all their "circumstance," as well as "pomp," when he became "the prisoner of the Lord." Then he sang : "Tis strange to me, that they that love to tell Speak not of MANSOUL's wars; but let them lie Dead, like old fables, or such worthless things, When men (let them make what they will their own) I saw the Prince's armed men come down By troops, by thousands, to besiege the town; Yea, how they set themselves in battle 'ray, I shall remember to my dying day. I saw the Colours waving in the wind; Holy War. 3* |