clung to the theory of a general government whose powers were delegated by the several States, and not derived from the people themselves, who were higher authority than the States. The equally logical nationalists, clinging to their purpose of a government with inherent powers, to be conferred by a charter deriving its validity directly from the people, and not through the state governments, demanded the election of one or both branches by the people. Some extraordinary views were presented by members while advocating their respective theories. "The people should have as little to do as may be about the government: they lack information and are constantly liable to be misled; the election ought to be by the state legislatures," said a voice from Connecticut. Charles Pinckney and John Rutledge also demanded the elective power for the legislatures of the States, the former regarding the people as incompetent to choose wisely. Said Gerry, of Massachusetts, "The people do not lack virtue, but they are the dupes of pretended patriots."

On the other hand, Wilson, of Pennsylvania, keen in perception, strong in expression, and able in debate, replied, "Without the confidence of the people no government, least of all a republican government, can long subsist. Besides, the weight of the state legislatures

a resolution which simply declared against equality of suffrage as provided by the Articles of Confederation, and for an equitable ratio of representation instead. He argued that, while "equality of suffrage may be reasonable in a federal union of sovereign States, it can find no place in a national government." This question was vital to the delegation from Delaware, who came specifically instructed to insist on the equality of state suffrage. The larger States felt sharply the injustice which existed for them in any government where a small population, small revenues, and small industrial interests should exert an equal influence over legislation with those of vastly greater extent. The small States, on the other hand, feared to be reduced to a nullity, with all their separate interests, if they did not obtain for the future the same equality which had existed in the past. The debate then took a wider range, and brought into collision the nationalists and the federalists on the question whether the members of the proposed Congress of two branches should be elected by the people, or appointed by the legislatures of the respective States.

The advocates of state sovereignty demanded that the state government should furnish the agents necessary to the execution of the affairs of the new Union. They still

regresive Deocrest me shuma have as litteras may be muur te government tea intormation mi ure constancy master: the elertom: ught be by asiatures," said a wire from Con necticu: Daze Pinckney and John Rutledge tu elective power on the legis atures cite States. the former regarding She people as competent to choose wisely. Said Gerry c: Massachusetts, "The people do ot lack virus out they are the dupes of preended parrocss

On the other hand. Wilson, of Pennsylvania, teen in perception, strong in expression, and die in deixate, replied, "Without the confience of flee people no government, least of La repubic long hsist.

esides, thi

the question of a federal or national government." His motion was defeated, obtaining but four votes out of eleven, establishing it as the people's government in distinction from that of the States.

督

VI

THE DEBATE ON THE LEGISLATIVE
ORGANIZATION

THERE was a general conviction that the legislature for the Union should be composed of two branches. Pennsylvania appeared to have doubts, and her delegation alone interrupted at the time the unanimity of voices on this vote; but later they also gave their adhesion.

When the next question came, how these two branches should be chosen, the debate became interesting and much more obstinate. Were the States to retain their equality of suffrage as in the Confederacy? Should all the States have votes proportioned to their population? Should this proportion prevail in both branches of the new legislature? Should the members of both Houses be appointed by the legislatures of States or by the people? Great diversity of opinion appeared on all these points, and particularly between the representatives of large and of small States.

Hamilton demanded that suffrage in the national legislature should be proportioned to the number of free inhabitants. Madison, inclined to feel his way more cautiously, offered