that there was greater security in the combined force of all than could be found in single independence and sovereignty. For war they admitted the need of union. In peace only the stress of commercial conflict between the States and with foreign countries could induce them to strengthen the bonds of a general govern ment. While these were the prevailing sentiments, among leaders there was abundant diversity in theories of government for the Union. Systems, plans, projects, had been discussed for many years, and so often defeated or ignored that it hardly seemed within human power to revive an old or propose a new one with any reasonable probability of its general adoption. The predisposition of each State was to reject the plan of every other State. The rivalries of persons and of communities reinforced this prejudice, and covered any new scheme with clouds of doubt. It was not, therefore, to be regretted that some men of strong intellect who might have been delegates to this convention, but who were enemies to a consolidation of the Union, preferred to remain at home, and permitted their places to be filled by friends of the national movement. It was of supreme importance that the scheme of reform to be devised should have the general sanction of the initiatory body before demanding that of the States. This could better be accomplished by unionists of different shades of opinion than by the doubtful coöperation of persistent separatists. It would hardly be possible to find a more melancholy picture for the contemplation of patriots than that presented by the States of the Union at the time of their appointment of delegates to Philadelphia. The public debt was in no part paid, and no provision whatever was made for its payment. The Confederacy was without revenue of its own, and without resources. Whatever gold or silver existed in the country was sent beyond seas to pay for imported goods. None of the States fully responded to Confederate requisitions; some partially complied, and New Jersey expressly refused to comply. The navigation laws of New York, Pennsylvania, New Jersey, and Maryland treated the other States as aliens, as if they were European countries. South Carolina, Virginia, Pennsylvania, and New York were taxing the trade of other States passing through their ports, and developed angry sentiments in their nearest neighbors. Connecticut taxed imports even from Massachusetts. The treaties made by the Confederation were violated in the States with impunity. Compacts were made between States in violation of the articles of the Confederacy, even by such States as New Jersey and Pennsylvania, Virginia and Mary land. The demoralization had gone so far that Virginia not only refused to apply for the sanction of its compact with Maryland by Congress, but even voted against advising Congress of its existence. The legislatures and the people showed equal disregard of public and private obligations. Respect for the Confederacy had ceased at home, and it was the object of contempt abroad. Thoughtful men doubted of the capacity of the people for self-government, and began to whisper of monarchy as a cure of public disorders. Surrounded by doubts, but inspired by hope, and powerfully urged by the dangers and distresses of the country, the delegates to this Convention made their journey by slow stages from their respective States to the city of Philadelphia, now to become once more the centre of a nation's hopes. V THE CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION THE Convention was summoned for the 14th of May, 1787. The necessary quorum of seven States did not appear until the 25th of May, when the majority of the New Jersey delegates presented their credentials. Three days later Massachusetts and Maryland increased the number to nine. The representation of Connecticut and Georgia added two more States on the 30th and 31st of May. That of New Hampshire did not arrive until the 23d of July, after the majority of the New York delegates had withdrawn; so that only eleven States were voted at any one time, out of the twelve represented. Rhode Island alone refused to be represented, having rejected the proposition by a legislative majority of twenty-two votes. A number of her leading citizens, however, forwarded a letter of sympathy to the Con vention. Of the characters composing this Convention, the French minister wrote to his government: "If all the delegates chosen to this Convention at Philadelphia are present, Europe will never have seen an assembly more respect able for talents, for knowledge, for the disinterestedness and patriotism of those who compose it. General Washington, Dr. Franklin, and a great number of other distinguished personages, though less known in Europe, have been called thither." It was certainly most fortunate for the country, for the prestige of the Convention, and for the solidity of its work, that Virginia set the example of intrusting her commission to her greatest names. Where Washington led the way, followed by Madison, Governor Randolph, George Mason, and Chancellor Wythe, no other State would be willing to refuse a contribution of its most reputable, noblest characters. Pennsylvania responded with Franklin's vast experience and wisdom gathered on two continents, with Robert Morris and Gouverneur Morris, and was further strengthened by the great ability of Wilson. South Carolina sent John Rutledge, with the two Pinckneys. New Jersey offered her chancellor, Livingston, with Chief Justice Brearley, William Paterson, and Dayton. New York reluctantly commissioned her chief unionist, Alexander Hamilton, a born statesman, who combined indomitable force of character with a genius for the organization of States. Delaware gave her patriotic Read and her venerable Dickinson as aids in the great work. Connecticut, so rich in contributions of |