States, and for the term of fifteen years, to exercise prohibitory powers over foreign commerce. Jefferson, knowing how much hostile foreign powers depended on the fact that each State was always protesting for its separate sovereignty and independence of central control, in his draft of instructions for our diplomatic agents abroad, spoke of "the United States as one nation upon the principles of the Federal Constitution." Rhode Island, which had before objected to the use even of the words "Federal government," alleging there was no such "government," but only a union, again interposed her voice now. At the vote taken upon this phrase of Jefferson, he was sustained by eight States against two. The fact is worthy of note as one of the signs of an advance in the conception of a national government for the future. Washington had often before, as after this time, made free use of the word "nation," as applied to the United States.

Early in 1784, though now a private citizen, Washington addressed to the governor of Virginia an earnest appeal for a stronger bond of union. The clearness of his views appears from the following extract: "An extension of Federal powers would make us one of the most wealthy, happy, respectable, and powerful nations that ever inhabited the terrestrial globe. Without these, we shall soon be everything

which is directly the reverse. I predict the worst consequences from a half-starved, limping government, always moving upon crutches and tottering at every step." The new Legislature of Virginia was better disposed to strengthen the Union. Even Patrick Henry showed a yielding spirit, and Jefferson's favorable influence was pronounced.

four

In the Congressional session of this year States were absent, three, becoming dissatisfied, withdrew, and the powerless remainder finding themselves deserted went home in utter feebleness. The next (Fifth) Congress, which should have assembled in November, was long without a quorum. The French chargé d'affaires reported to his government that in America there was "no general government, neither Congress nor President, nor head of any one administrative department." It seemed a near approximation to anarchy in Federal affairs.

In the following winter Noah Webster published a proposed "new system of government which should act, not on the States, but directly on individuals, and vest in Congress full power to carry its laws into effect."

The year 1785 brought to view two influences bearing upon the constitutional union, and moving in opposite directions. The Congress had chosen for its President this year

Richard Henry Lee, a bitter opponent of inherent Congressional powers; and the New York Legislature appointed its delegates so that a majority of them joined Lee in his opposition, thus changing the position of that influential State. On the other hand, the excessive flooding of American markets with English goods, the British obstructions to the shipbuilding and the carrying trades, and restrictions upon their home markets against the products of American fishery, had combined to produce ruin to our manufactures, disaster to producing interests, and the exhaustion of the metallic currency of the country. The industrial Americans were in a state bordering on despair, and found it vain to look for relief to a Congress without power to provide a remedy. When single States sought relief by protective duties, this only served as a premium to another State to concentrate in its own ports a free foreign trade, thus made yet more valuable to itself. Duties against imports from other States necessarily followed. At this juncture Congress transferred its seat to New York.

Its assemblage there was welcomed by the industrial interests of that city with an address, in which they showed their disagreement with the recent choice of delegates by their Legislature; saying, "We hope our representatives

will coincide with the other States in augmenting your power to every exigency of the Union." The Chamber of Commerce also begged them to counteract the injurious restrictions of foreign nations. Popular movements in the same direction appeared in Philadelphia and Boston. Pennsylvania and New York both increased their duties, in unequal degree, the one on numerous foreign goods, the other on such goods as were imported in British bottoms. The Legislature of Massachusetts pledged itself to use its most earnest endeavor to put the Federal government "on a firm basis, and to perfect the Union;" and formally admitted that the Articles of Confederation were inadequate to the purposes to be effected. They ordered their resolutions to be communicated to Congress, and to the executive of each State. They also, as well as New Hampshire and Rhode Island, passed retaliatory acts against Great Britain, to continue "until a well-guarded power to regulate trade shall be intrusted to Congress." Like Pennsylvania, Massachusetts established highly protective duties.

In addition to the embarrassments of commerce resulting from this discordant action of the States in respect to duties on imports, and from the absence of a central power to combat the injuries to trade flowing from the action

of foreign governments, great confusion was created by the numerous and variable standards of value and the unsteady financial laws of the several States. In some the creditors were obliged to accept real and personal estate at an appraised value in satisfaction of their judgments. In others depreciated paper was legal tender in payment for purchases, on a fixed scale of depreciation. In others it must be received at its par value. Numerous staylaws were enacted. Even in Massachusetts the courts were interrupted by riotous force. Legislation on the relation between debtor and creditor was constantly changing. There was no security for one side or the other. The rate of exchange in interstate transactions was alarmingly variable. One of the States authorized the court and jury to decide questions of debt to the best of their knowledge, agreeably to equity and good conscience. In the pressure of the times some States appeared to abandon hope of a metallic currency, and took refuge in new emissions of paper money. A British agent writes to his government: "It is with pleasure that I can inform your lordship what silver and gold is to be had in this country goes in his Majesty's packet-boats to England." Georgia redeemed its paper with specie certificates at the rate of one thousand for one, while Delaware adopted the rate of