Gambar halaman

H. OF R.]

Removal of the Deposites, &c.

[MAY 26, 1834.

the constitution of Kentucky. That constitution refers a six months' discussion of the great questions which agito residence of more than one kind-residence that gives tate the nation, it cannot, said Mr. P., be reasonably exthe right, and residence that regulates its exercise. The pected that I will be able to throw any additional light on former may be constructive or actual; the latter must be the subject, nor that I shall be able to use the ideas adactual. If the students at Mercer county had construc-vanced by others without subjecting myself to the charge tive residence elsewhere in Kentucky, such residence of plagiarism. In order to meet the charge in anticipa. might qualify them to vote; but if they actually resided tion of the accusation, I give notice that I intend to avail in Mercer, as beyond doubt they did, they could not vote myself of the arguments advanced by other gentlemen, elsewhere. The committee have, therefore, by their both on this floor and elsewhere. I set up no claims to report, entirely disfranchised these qualified voters by their originality on these questions. I therefore take this ocdoctrine of constructive residence. They could not vote casion to tender iny acknowledgements, in advance, to the where their parents resided, because they did not actual. author of the “ American Banking System,” which I conly reside there; and the committee hold that they could sider the most useful and valuable work on that subject not vote where they actually resided, because their con- extant; to an anonymous writer over the signature of Marstructive residence was in another part of the State. cellus, in 1794, and to what other authorities I may, in The plain and obvious truth of the case is, that they the course of my remarks, think proper to draw upon, were qualified to vote by residence, constructive or without stopping, as I proceed, to give credit to particular actual, no matter which; and that the place where their individuals, who have written or spoken on the subject. qualification was alone to be exercised was Mercer If the arguments used by others do not gain any addicounty, where they actually resided. The votes of the tional weight by a repetition, they may, by that means, theological students have, therefore, upon every ground get disseminated among the people of Mississippi, where that can be assumed, been illegally rejected by the com- they would not otherwise find their way. Before I get deeply mittee.

involved in the intricate question of the bank, I feel it due The result of the whole, sir, I conceive to be as fol- to myself, as well as those by whom I am sustained at lows: taking the polls as the majority of the committee home, to inform the House and the country of the pecuhave reported, and admitting the committee to have been liar attitude in which I stand in relation to the great politiright in every decision, except the three which I have cal parties that divide the people of the several States of discussed, the majority of legal votes is still in favor of the Union. Mr. Letcher, as it was by the poll-books certified by the I belong to that class of politicians in Mississippi who clerks of the different county courts. The able report succeeded, in 1832, in achieving that great political revoluof the minority shows a state of the polls much more tion which expunged from the constitution of the State those favorable to Mr. Letcher; but, without including these aristocratic features that conferred on the favored few rights corrections, the result will be the same if the House and privileges withheld from the great mass of the people. shall amend the report of the majority only so far as the In 1830 I was supported by the democracy of the country, principles I have discussed require.

without distinction of national party. In 1832, after I had

served one session in Congress, I was opposed by the naSPEECH OF MR. PLUMMER,

tional republicans, in consequence of my opposition to the Delivered in the House of Representatives of the United consequence of my opposition to Clay's colonization land

United States Bank: I was opposed by the nullifiers, in States, May 26, 1834.

free negro bill, and because I supported the general measThe proceedings of a meeting of the citizens of the ures of the administration: I was opposed by the would-be county of Pike, in the State of Mississippi, in relation to leaders of the Jackson party, and their presses, under a the United States Dank, the removal of the deposites, the pretence that I was not sufficiently devoted to the Presiderangement of the currency, the pecuniary' distress in dent. I was, however, successfully and triumphantly susthe country, the powers of the Executive, the course pur- tained by the great mass of the people, by the democracy sued by their Senators and Representatives in Congress, of the State, by the working-men of the country, for the and public opinion in relation to those questions, present purpose of sustaining the principles which they advocate, ed by Mr. PLUMMER on the 19th May, being under con- without regard to men. During the last summer there was sideration-

a cross-fire levelled at me from the two extremes. The Mr. PLUMMER said he considered the question of re- national republicans and nullifiers cannonaded me upon the chartering the United States Bank, as well as the subject bank and land questions, and the Simon Pure Jackson of the removal of the deposites, opened to a full discus-presses on the enforcing bill. Although I am sustained sion by the resolutions and proceedings under considera- by a large majority of the people I have the honor in part tion. He intended to embrace that opportunity to dis- of representing, it is a remarkable fact that, out of the cuss both of those subjects somewhat at length, and the whole number of presses in the State, I do not know of House need not be taken by surprise if he should follow one that supports me or the principles 1 advocate. Standthe example so frequently set by others, and make some ing, therefore, in the attitude I do, with all of the presses desultory remarks in relation to political matters in gene- and the most of the talents of the three great formidable ral, and now and then hint at things in particular. He partics and the wealth of the State arrayed against me, was not, however, disposed to stand in the way of those and supported here only by a few select, choice spirits, gentlemen who had petitions to refer, and who had been scarcely known as a political party, I feel it my duty on anxiously waiting for the States which they represent to this occasion to plant within the hall of the national Legisbe called for several weeks. He therefore moved a post- lature the standard, and unfurl the flag of that party, unponement of the subject until Monday next. The motion der whose banners a few of us have enlisted, and whose was negatived. Mr. P. then rose and proceeded: principles, in my humble opinion, are alone calculated to

If it was the pleasure of the House, he said, to hear save our bleeding constitution from destruction, our already him at that time, he had no reason to complain himself, and tottering Union from dissolution, and the people from slahe trusted, after having given due notice of his intentions, very, bloodshed, and oppression. An abolition of all lithat there would be no cause of complaint against him, censed monopolies, universal suffrage, no property quali on the part of others, if he should occupy the time of fications for office, equal, universal education, abolition of the House for several hours. After all the ingenuity, tal-imprisonment for debt, abolition of capital punishments, ents, and learning, of the most distinguished gentlemen an ad valorem system of taxation, the election of all offiof both Houses of Congress had been exhausted, during cers directly by the people, and no legislation on the sub

MAY 26, 1834.]

Removal of the Deposites, &c.

[H. OF R.

[ocr errors]

ject of religion, are some of the leading measures advoca- no regularly-organized party in the country since I have ted by that despised party of which I have the honor of had political existence, of whose principles I could entire. being an humble member. I am proud to acknowledge ly approve, save one, and that has too unfashionable a name that these are the principles which are now triumphant in for a gentleman to acknowledge on this floor, unless he the democratic and patriotic State that I have the distin- is prepared to subject himself to ridicule. So humble guished honor in part to represent; and they are the prin- are the pretensions of the individuals of that party, that ciples which must be sooner or later advocated by every the gentleman from Kentucky [Mr. Hardin) did not State in the Union. I am still prouder to acknowledge deem them worthy of a place on his list of the parties, myself guilty of the charge frequently made against me, made out the other day, which compose this House. I of having been instrumental, in some small degree, in did not, however, consider his neglect to mention the bringing about this political revolution, and of baving first name as intending any disrespect towards his honorable introduced the subject into the legislative halls of the colleague (Mr. R. M. Johnson) at the bead of the list, State of my adoption. If ever there has been a time, since nor those of us who stand by his side in defending the the establishment of the banking system in our country, doctrines of the party. However much I may dislike to when the friends of equal rights, when those whose motto be associated wiih those who not only refuse to defend is, "the greatest good of the greatest number," when me when assailed by their opponents, but even disown me the democracy of the country, the great mass of the peo- unless they have immediate use for my services, I find myple, had cause to rejoice, it is the present. I do not re- self compelled to abandon the principles advocated by the joice at the sufferings of my fellow.citizens. A man who great mass of the people, whose cause I have always escan stand by and witness the pecuniary distress which per- poused, or enlist under the banners of the administration vades the whole country at this time, without sympathi- on the great questions now under consideration before the zing with those who suffer, is less sensitive than I am, American people. Here there are but two sides to a and las nerves stronger than mine. But I rejoice that question. During this session of Congress there have the cause of the distress is about to be eradicated from the been but two parties on this floor; the one in favor of the land, I trust never more to oppress the people of this administration and against the bank, the other in favor of country. I rejoice that the time has at length arrived the bank and against the administration. In taking sides when the attention of the people is likely to be aroused to with the administration, although I disapprove of some a sense of their rights; for let me assure you, sir, that of its measures, I will not be understood as being personthis American banking system, this rag-money system, ally opposed to the President, the heads of Departments, this system of legalized monopolies, which makes the rich or any of its leading friends in or out of Congress. I richer and the poor poorer, will not bear an investigation have been a firm and undeviating supporter of General by the great mass of the people, who always, sooner or Jackson ever since I have been eligible to a vote, and later, look to their own interests. I rejoice that the time still have confidence in him. All my bitterness of feeling, is not far distant when the people will rise in the majesty if any I have betrayed, is confined to office-holders, officeof their strength and stamp the seal of condemnation on seekers, and prominent friends of General Jackson in the the moneyed monster which has produced that distress, State I have the honor in part to represent. None of unparalleled in the bistory of our Government, which is them, with a few honorable exceptions, have ever susevery day represented to us in a language not to be mis- tained me, and I shall consider myself in danger whenunderstood from all portions of the country, and on those ever they do. In conjunction with my friends, I pursue political jugglers who have been instrumental in creating a different course from them. We fight the battles of the present excitement for party purposes. In Great the administration upon great national principles, without Britain exclusive privileges are conferred on the aristocra- having the confidence of the party here. They huzza cy, on the nobility, on individuals who are called lords. for General Jackson without regard to principle, and, as In our own country exclusive privileges are conferred on soon as the election is over, claim, as the exclusive friends corporate bodies called banks. In both countries the la- of the administration, the spoils of victory. I sustain the boring class of the community, who compose the many, measures of the administration in the councils of the naare made “hewers of wood and drawers of water” för tion; they act the part of spies and informers against me the benefit of the lordly few.

and my friends, and make all the recommendations for At a time like this, when the acrimony of party spirit office. I defend them when assailed, for the honor of the displays its angry clouds over every legislative assembly administration. When in the act of defending them, they throughout the Union; when party names and distinctions are permitted to prefer secret charges against me, in their are arifully introduced into every portion of the country, official communications, calculated to tarnish my reputaby the aspirants to office, for political purposes; when tion. If the administration does an unpopular act, I am jealousy and suspicion seem universally to pervade the held accountable, while they disclaim all responsibility. whole communiiy, I consider it the duty of every friend I mean no personal disrespect towards my colleague in to his country to speak his sentiments freely, and call the thus speaking of those whose champion he is on this floor; attention of the people to their true interests. When the he was sent here by them for the express purpose of reppublic mind is highly excited, I am well ware that it is resenting their interests, and I hope he will attend strictnot in a condition to listen to the dictates of reason. “In ly to them! They have no fixed principles save one, and the paroxysms of such a moment, violence is often re- that is, the principle of wriggling themselves into the fagarded as patriotism, patience and moderation as pusil- vor of those who have the control of the patronage of the lanimity; the counsels of the first are regarded as the ora- Government. They would sell the liberties of the people cles of wisdom, the advice of the latter denounced as the for the sake of office; but I am thankful that their days are dictates of cowardice.” In times.Jike the present, it is a numbered. The people are awakening to a sense of their difficult task for an individual occupying a public station duty. When called on to vote upon a party question into sustain himself by an impartial appeal to the under- volving no principle in this House, I shall do as I have herestandings of the people, without leaning on one of the tofore done, ever since I have been in Congress, vote with prominent parties for support. It is a Herculean task for the friends of the administration, because I am inclined to faone whose advantages have been as limited and whose vor its leading measures. I will not go against the party until abilities are as humble as mine, in his political course to the party goes against the principles of the working-men. attempt to advocate the interests of the great mass of the efforts have been made to influence the public mind and people on all occasions, without regard to the party or mislead the people on the bank question. It is high time ganizations of the aspirants to power. There has been to unfold facts and exhibit the true interests of the coun

H. OF R.]

Removal of the Deposites, &c.

[Mar 26, 1834.

[ocr errors]

try to a generous people, wbo only wish to know their lieve that it is not genteel to be in favor of the adminisduty to perform it, and to understand their happiness to tration—that all the decency, the intelligence, and pursue it.

talents, are on the other side. Even the softer sex are It has been frequently asked, why is it that so many, made to act their part. They are taught to believe that returned to Congress as Jackson men by their constitu- it is not fashionable to speak well of any one who is not ents, are induced, immediately after their arrival here, a national or a nullifier. If the victim is from the South to abandon Jacksonism, and oppose the measures of the or West, an appeal is made to his high sense of honor, administration? Questions of this kind, predicated on and to his chivalrous feelings, to know whether he will the celebrated letter of my colleague, have been asked subject himself to the wearing of a party collar; whether by the leading opposition presses of the country. They he will be under the malign influence of the “ kitchen bave been emphatically asked, as though no satisfactory cabinet;" and the shackles of party trammels and " deci. answer could be given. It is said not to be interest, norded party discipline,” are held up to his view, and he love of power, for that would incline them to continue asked if he has not too much independence to wear them. in support of the measures of the administration; but it These arguments are irresistible to those who have weak is said to be an honest conviction, on the part of those nerves. It requires more than an ordinary share of who abandon the administration and join the opposition, moral courage to resist them. I almost wonder that of the impurity of the executive officers of the Govern- there are any who can resist the arts and intrigues of the ment, and the injurious effects of their measures on the opposition. It is to me a strong evidence of the purity community. In consequence of the delicate state of my of the intentions, as well as the firmness, of those who health, I have taken no active part in the business of sustain the measures of the administration. In order to legislation during this session. When not confined to convince the fashionables, the exquisites, the nullifiers, my room, I have been a silent observer of passing events, the nationals, and particularly the ladies, that they are and a mere “looker-on in Venice.” I have mingled not under the influence of “party trammels” or “ party more than usual with the passing crowd of visiters, and discipline," they are compelled to take the first oppor. the hangers-on about the Capitol, who have so frequently tunity to record their votes on some incidental question thronged the galleries of the House, and the floor of the against the administration. This once done, and, notwithSenate chamber, during the session. When in the standing their professions, the work is completed. They House, I have been frequently driven from this floor by are then told ihat they have forfeited the confidence of the unwholesome state of the atmosphere, and compel the administration, and incurred the displeasure of the led to take refuge in the gallery; for fear, however, that Executive; and if they attempt to get back into the good I may not be believed, I might as well have the gallant- old track, the lash is applied to their backs, and they are ry to admit that I have sometimes been unconsciously forced to wear the collar of the opposition instead of the drawn there by the magnetic powers of those attractive administration, or incur the displeasure of the belles and bodies who so frequently honor us with their presence. dandies. The fashionables, whenever the signal is given, I have, therefore, had a fine opportunity of watching the flock to the House and the Senate chamber, to hear process by which those who come here Jacksonians are them abuse the Chief Magistrate. The efforts of the converted, and transferred into the ranks of the opposi- most ordinary minds are pronounced the greatest exertion. The process is simple, and the political swindlers tions of human genius. Their low and vulgar epithets have reduced the practice of cheating the people out of are trumpeted forth as the greatest specimens of Ameri, the votes of their representatives to a perfect system, on can oratory. They are flattered, cajoled, caressed, and a scientific plan. The process is simply this: on the puffed; and those who have no pretensions to talents, arrival of a young member in the city, he is waited on and are too stupid to use abusive epithets, are called by some of the deputies of the party, and introduced to handsome, and praised for their beauty, by way of reward. such of the leaders of the opposition as were once the ing them for their traitorous conduct, and for betraying friends and supporters of General Jackson. They take the confidence reposed in them by their constituents. occasion to speak of the patriotism of the President, liis They curl their lips, and speak in the slightest terms devotion to the interests of the people, and the military of the ablest efforts of the leading members on the side services he has rendered his country, in the most exalted of the administration, because it is not fashionable to terms. These professions of friendship for the man speak well of General Jackson, or any one who supports his gains them the confidence of their subject. They then measures. When the individual has the moral courage regret, almost with tears in their eyes, that they cannot and the good sense to resist these artifices, resorted to by support every measure of the President, affect to attri- the opposition, they set their whole corps of venal letter bute all the errors of the administration to a set of un- writers on him, whose business it is to manufacture lies to constitutional advisers that he is surrounded with, which order, and denounce him in the bitterest terms for every they denominale by the appellation of " cabal,” "back- thing that is odious and contemptible. His constituents stairs cabinet,” or some other equally odious and unpop- are told, through the medium of the public press, at the ular epithet. The unsuspecting victim is called on expense of the United States Bank, that he is under the again and again, and the same train of thoughts forced infiuence of the Magician, the New York regency, the on his mind, until a strong impression is made of their kitchen cabinet, or some other horrible animal about to truth. He is kept as much as possible out of the com- destroy the Government, and erect a monarchy on its pany of those who sustain the administration, and, by invi- ruins. Those who can neither be flattered nor persuaded tations and polite attentions, made to associate almost from the path of their duty, they attempt to drive; and exclusively with those who oppose its measures. They those who will not be driven, they attempt to tarnish their pursue this course, if not repulsed at the onset, until characters and destroy their reputations in the estimation they get the individual to acknowledge that the adminis- of their constituents. I will be a little more explicit, and tration has some errors, that he is opposed to being confine myself directly to the question under consideracontrolled or dictated to by the “ kitchen cabinet,” and tion, for I very much fear that I shall not be clearly comthat, notwithstanding his personal feelings, and the deprehended. if the victim is a member of the House, he votion of his constituents to the President, he only feels tells those who inquire of him, that the removal of the himself under obligations to support the administration deposites " was a measure totally uncalled for by any in80 far as he approves its measures. This done, and they terests connected with the finances of the General Gorhave him in a fair way, The fashionables who visit the ernment,” which, he says, “is a totally different question city from all quarters of the country are taught to be from that of a recharter of the bank;" and that, therefore,

Mar 26, 1834.]

Removal of the Deposites, &c.

(H. OF R.

[ocr errors]
[ocr errors]

he shall vote for a restoration of the public moneys, but gratulate myself, and thank my constituents for withdrawagainst a recharter. When, however, he finds himself ing my name from the company of those whom I am compelled, after taking the first step, to continue with ashamed to acknowledge as my political associates. I his new associates, or still subject himself to the odious bave reference to the proceedings of a public meeting appellation of a “collar man,” he gives his vote in favor held at Vicksburg on the 21st of March last. A resolu: of a recharter of the bank, without qualification. If he tion was passed approving of the course of Senators Poinis a member of the other branch of the national Legisla- dexter and Black, and the honorable Harry Cage, on the ture, he is “willing to support the administration in subject of the removal of the deposites. I read from a every thing which is right,” declares himself in favor of Mississippi newspaper: “ Mr. Cornell moved to insert the the resolution simply declaring the reasons assigned by name of F. E. Plummer after that of Mr. Cage." After the Secretary of the Treasury for the removal of the some discussion and explanations, “Mr. Cornell withdrew public deposites insufficient and unsatisfactory, but the motion, amidst the acclamations of the assembly.” decidedly opposed to the one pronouncing judgment of Was not this, sir, a fortunate escape! Have I not cause condemnation against the President of the United States to rejoice, not only because I made a narrow escape from for an alleged violation of the constitution and laws, with these new-coined whigs, but is it not an evidence of my out granting to bim the privilege guarantied to the most growing popularity! I was the only person the mention humble citizen, of being confronted by his accusers, and of whose name drew forth the acclamations of the assem. of being heard in self-defence. When it comes to the bled crowd; and, what is still more flattering to my feel. test, he, too, is wbipped into the measure; and by the ings, it was not on the presentation, but on the withdrawal. same process forced to vote for the whole of the resolu- of my name from among the names of these new.coined tions, in direct opposition to his declared sentiments. Daniel Webster, Henry Clay, Hartford convention federal In order to console the feelings of their conscience-smit- whigs! The House will pardon me for adverting to a ten victims and as a kind of apology to their constituents complimentary notice of myself, which my vanity would for the company they are found in, they are, together not allow me to pass unnoticed! I will also here take ocwith their new associates, given a new name. And what casion to notice one of the resolutions passed by a portion do you think it is? Why, sir, if you had not already of my fellow-citizens of Jefferson county, held at Fayette heard, with thirteen Yankee pedlers to help you, you on the 28th ultimo. They took that occasion to“ highly could not guess in a month. 'It is, sir, the name of approve of the honest, upright, and independent conduct" whigs! Yes, sir, they are christened, after their political of those who have knowingly and wilfully violated the regeneration, by the name of whigs! By whom is this will of their constituents, and betrayed the confidence renew and popular name given? Who is the high priest posed in them by the democracy of Mississippi, and de-. on the occasion? If you believe me, sir, it is none other nounce me as the “ready and unflinching tool of the than the brave, high-minded, honorable, chivalrous party in power, and no longer the fit representative of a. Colonel James Watson Webb, of mahogany pistol memo- free people,” because I bave the moral courage to 'advory! Of what materials is this new party composed? It cate the interests of the people, and oppose à moneyed is an amalgamation of the old Adams, or Clay, and Cal- monopoly in its high-handed attempts to trample under houn parties; of the nationals and nullifiers, of the high foot their rights and liberties, in defiance of the law and pressure tariff and pretended free trade advocates; of that of the constitution, which is the pride and boast of consolidationists and disunionists; of those who believe a every true-learted American. This is the language of bank important to the very existence of our Government, the minions of the bank, published to the world, and and those who pretend to believe the present charter a handed around among the members of this House, for the violation of the constitution; the federalists and disaffected purpose of destroying my influence and usefulness to my republicans; those who opposed the election of General constituents; which they seem resolved to do, at the sacJackson, and those who supported his first election, but rifice of every moral principle. This is the language of fell out with him because he would not sacrifice principle a few purse-proud aristocrats and their deluded followand use his influence to make their favorite his successor. ers, sent here as expressive of the sentiments of the citiThis is the heterogeneous mass of materials composing zens of Jefferson county. It is a slander upon the charthese new-coined patriots, these Webb, Webster, Clay, acter of the enligntened democracy of that patriotic counand Calhoun whigs. Fine company this, indeed, for a ty; and they will so find it in a day to come. I disregard professed democratic Jacksonian republican! Who are their billingsgate abuse, and defy their influence. If i am the tories of the present day? Not those who opposed not most egregiously mistaken, there is still alive in that the last war; not those who discouraged the enlisting of county the spirit of a Dunbar, of a Dixon, and a Flinds, soldiers, and the raising of money for the purpose of car- who gallantly defended the country against the power of rying it on; not those who raised the blue lights as signals a British army of mercenary soldiers at the battle of New to guide the enemy where they could plunder and murder Orleans, and who will again “come to the rescue," and our citizens. Oh no! they are the whigs. But those who as gallantly defend the rights of the people against the fought the battles of the Revolution and the late war; mercenary advocates of a British bank, under the same those who periled their lives, expended their fortune, and victorious citizen soldier who, on that occasion, led them shed their blood, in defence of the rights and liberties of to honor and glory. the people; they are the tories. Yes, sir; Andrew Jack- It is well enough for us to understand these terms of son, the soldier of two wars, the one for our liberties and whig and tory. Whig was an original name of reproach the other for our rights, and his associates, are now de- given by the court party in England to their antagonists, nounced by these new.coined and self-styled whigs as to- for resembling the principles of the whigs or fanatical ries; and for what, sir? Why, for daring to oppose an conventiclers in Scotland. The name of tory was given irresponsible corporation, a moneyed monopoly, about to by the country party to that of the court, comparing overthrow our Government, destroy our institutions, and them to the tories or Popish robbers of Ireland. The Enslave the people. If to be associated with Andrew whigs were opposed to oppression and the granting of Jackson, the hero of New Orleans, and Richard M. John- exclusive rights and licensed monopolies to a privileged son, the hero of the Thames, and others who prefer lib- order of men, and in favor of the liberties of the people. erty to slavery, the rights of the people to a rag-money In short, they advocated those principles calculated to banking system, then, sir, am I proud of the appellation, promote the greatest good of the greatest number. The and glory in the name. Any thing but a sacrifice of prin- Stories were for enlarging the powers of the Government, ciple to keep out of bad company. I have cause to con- trampling on the liberties of the people, and for con

H. OF R.]

Removal of the Deposites, &c.

[May 26, 1834.

ferring exclusive privileges on a few particular individ- disclaim, act and speak with the frankness and indepenuals, without regard to the welfare of the great mass of dence worthy of republicans, conscious of the purity and the people. The whigs of England and the whigs of integrity of their intentions. In order to execute their the Revolution were opposed to the Government under designs, it is first necessary to destroy the confidence of which they then lived, because they were opposed the people in such men, who would otherwise stand as to its monarchical principles, which held the people barriers against the object of their ambition. If we look in bondage and usurped those inherent rights guaran- into the history of the Roman Commonwealth, we shall tied to them by the laws of nature. They wished to find, in almost every page, evidence of the truth of these destroy it and establish a free Government, securing to assertions. We shall there find numerous efforts to obthem equal rights and equal privileges, on its ruins. tain power at the sacrifice of every moral principle. There is no other analogy between these new-coined Distinguished individuals, occupying high places, have wbig's and those of the Revolution, other than such as the effrontery to assume to themselves the high prerogarises out of the fact of their opposition to the presentative of undertaking to dictate opinions to the commuadministration of the Government. These self-styled nity, and to measure out fame and infamy to their fellowwhigs of the present day are opposed to the Government citizens. They have the audacity to impute to men under which they live, and are for destroying it, because thoughts which their minds never conceived, opinions those who administer it are in favor of abolishing all li- which their lips never uttered, and designs which their censed monopolies, and opposed to the conferring of souls abhor. This is all done by the magic force of a unconstitutional and extraordinary powers on a privi- few imported words, inapplicable to our country, the leged order of men, to enable them to control the wealth meaning of which those who use them do not understand, of the nation, and consequently the destinies of the peo- and cannot define. Let us for a moment inquire what ple.

is the nature of our Government: is it not founded on It is a matter of great amusement to watch the move the republican principle of equality of rights; that the ments of the new.coined whigs, composed of the whole people are capable and have a right to govern themselves, heterogeneous mass of discordant materials forining the either by themselves or by their agents freely chosen opposition to the administration, who have attempted to Has not every citizen a right to think for himself, and monopolize to themselves this popular cognomen, for the express his opinions freely on whatever involves the inpurpose of concealing their real designs and adopting a terests of the country, without subjecting himself to imname which will render them popular and draw the putations which none but base calumniators, whose ungreat mass of the people to their standard and get them governable ambition induces them to endeavor to shackle to enlist under their banner. The people are not to be the liberties of the people, would dare to make? Who deceived by names. My constituents have the sagacity authorized them to call a fellow-citizen a usurper, a lyto discover there is mischief concealed under it. The rant, a tory, because he differs from them in opinion? nullifiers know that the people of the South will not rally Has not every citizen a right to do so? Who authorized under the name of national republican, and the nationals them to assiime the title of whigs, of friends to their know that the great body of their party cannot consis-country and the rights of the people, to the exclusion of tently, and will not, rally under the name of nullification. the rest of their fellow-citizens? Does the constitution They have therefore assumed to theinselves this new give them greater privileges, or recognise in them a name, which they consider broad enough to cover the superior order? Has Heaven stamped them with its pewhole ground.

culiar mark of favor, sent them as its inspired political The honest truth, however, is, in regard to the three apostles, or clothed them with the insignia of an authoriprominent political parties now in existence in this coun: ty before which every knee must bend, and to which try, that, with their leaders, there is no principle involved every voice must pay adoration? From the intolerance in the whole matter. It is a mere question about men. of their principles, and the want of that Christian virtue, It is a mere scramble for office. It is a private quarrel charity, in their conduct, they cannot be regarded as the between the ins and the outs. They are simply for agents of a beneficent Deity. Yet they could not act driving those who bave been selected by the freemen of with more dictatorial presumption if they were conscious this country to preside over them for the time being out of belonging to a superior order of beings, and actually of office, and placing themselves in their stead, where derived supernatural powers from the God of Nature. they can be crowned with the honors and enjoy the But it is impossible for them, with all of their affected profits of the public offices. Such is the nature of the zeal for the good of their country, with all their profeshuman heart and the inordinate ambition of man, thatsions of patriotism, and illiberal censures of men of honor they are willing to sacrifice every thing sacred and dear, and integrity, to conceal their real character and designs yea, even to destroy our happy. Government, and run long from the great mass of the people. They will soon the risk of plunging the people into all the horrors of a learn that a free people will not long brook arrogance civil war, for the sake of increasing their chances for and dictation from any quarter; and that they will not office.

permit themselves to be denounced as the slaves and Such wicked and ambitious men exist in all commu- vassals of Andrew Jackson, because they vote for a nities. The purest republics have produced them. It measure of his administration. The people are too encannot therefore be reasonably expected that our coun- lightened, and know too well their interests and rights, try should be wholly exempt from them. The history to permit themselves to be duped by such shallow artiof the ancient democracies is the history of false patriots, fices, suited only to times of ignorance and superstition. who, with a few praiseworthy exceptions, under the pre- They cannot long impose on a people who understand tence of being friends to liberty, have kept their coun- and are possessed of the blessings of liberty. tries in perpetual foreign broils, or domestic agitations It has been correctly remarked by an able contempo. and convulsions, to serve their avarice or ambition, and rary writer, that there are but two interests in societywho have never failed to make themselves the tyrants of one subsisting by industry and the other by law. In one the people whenever an opportunity has occurred. It is of these classifications of interest, all other special and by bold abuse of others, and by claiming for themselves particular modifications of interest are included. Gov. superior patriotism, that such men lead their way to ernments are instituted for the benefit of the laboring power by quieting the suspicion of the people as to them- class, but being in the hands of those who subsist by law, selves, and directing their jealousies to characters whose it is perpetually drawn towards that by the strongest noble minds, feeling no sentiment which honor would cords. Unless the industrious portion of the community,

« SebelumnyaLanjutkan »