NO. III.

"ECONOMY-MR. CALHOUN.""

"Great savings in the War Department." COLUMBIA TELESCOPE.

That a Secretary of War should become popular with the officers of the Army, by observing a strict system of economy, in his Department, is what never did happen and never will. But to be popular with the army, and at the same time gain a reputation for economy, Mr. Calhoun has thought possible, for he has made the attempt. And, if he can prostrate those members of Congress, who have opposed his measures, and whom he and his friends are pleased to call Radicals, he may possibly succeed. Hence the war, which he and his corps of editors have made upon those members; a war which they press with unremitting zeal and fury.

The members thus denominated Radicals very conscientiously believe that Mr. Calhoun has been more extravagant in the expenditure of public money, than any other Secretary of War has been in time of peace, from the commencement of our Government; and that their duty to their constituents bound them to oppose many of the appropriations which he required. And as my own conviction is, that they were perfectly right, I feel disposed to make for them, such an apology as facts and circumstances will warrant.

The epithet Radical, has been applied to a large portion of the republican members of both houses of Congress, by the Secretary and his friends, as a term of reproach; very much as the terms Democrat, Jocobin, and Disorganizers were applied to members of Congress of the same principles, by the Friends of Order and good Government, under the administration of Mr. Adams.

The meaning of the word Radical, in its common acceptation implies nothing of reproach; but it has an acquired and an imported meaning, extremely odious in the view of those who use it.

A part of the subjects of the British Government have been stigmatized with the name of Radicals, who are advocates for a Radical reform in parliament, a radical reform in the hierarchy, a radical reform in the standing Army, and a adical correction of a great variety of abuses, by which the laboring poor of that country are reduced to a condition more wretched than that of slaves; and who are bowed down to the earth without remedy and without hope, by the laws of the Holy Alliance and the terrors of military despotism.

The party thus denominated Radicals, are extremely odious to the nobility, dignified clergy, titled gentry and officers of the army in that country, and by a common feeling, with the tories and aristocrats in this. But no American, who harbours in his bosom one spark of genuine republicanism, but sympathizes with those unhappy people, who are struggling for a small portion of that liberty which we enjoy; who is not indig ant at the recitals which we have heard of murders committed, by the authority of government, on unarmed people, peaceably assembled to m ke known their sufferings to their King-cut down by the sword, and trodden under the hoofs of the horses of a haughty and triumphant military. The ad cal of that country do not wish to abolish the monarchy nor alter their form of government. Their views are much more moderate than were those of Hampden and idney. They are much more oppressed than we were in "76, and yet no act of theirs is so radical as to bear the slightest comparison with our Declaration of Independence. Still there are some in this country who look with a malignant eye upon their struggles, and who execrate their principles.

But what have the Members of Congress called Radicals done to merit reproach? They have endeavored to revive Mr. Jefferson's old system of economy, which has long been stigmatized by Mr. Calhoun's

riends as penny wise and pound foolish, and exploded accordingly-they have opposed several of the appropriations required for the army and fortifications, because they appeared unnecessary, and must, if granted lead to an immediate resort to loans or taxes-they have passed several acts to limit the powers of the War Department, to prevent improper transfers of appropriations, to restrain the power of making contracts, or purchasing land for the United States without the assent of Congress-they have passed laws to enforce a faithful performance of duty on the part of the receiving and disbursing officers of the government, by obliging them to settle up their accounts once at least in four years, under the penalty of loosing their offices they have adopted rigid rules to compel the collection of old balances due to the government-they have pursued public defaulters by a great variety of necessary but vexatious enquiries and investigationsand they have stopped the pay of such defaulters as remained in office until their arrears shall be accounted for and paid into the treasury, by a proviso to the appropriation laws of 1822 and 23.

It may be thought strange that such a provision, by law, should be necessary at this time. Nothing can be more just than that money due from a defaulting officer should be retained out of his pay in discharge of his debt. Under the administration of Mr. Jefferson it was the practice to retain the pay of officers thus in arrears; and they were happy to be continued in office under such conditions.

It is the duty of the Comptrollers of the Treasury "to take all such measures as may be authorized by the laws to enforce the payment of all debts due to the United States." It was, therefore, their duty to retain, as far as they had the power. the pay and enolnments of such defaulting officers in discharge of their debts to the United States. In addition to which the General Regulations of the Army required that the pay of such officers should be stopped, and this was done as late as the 20th of No

vember, 1821, as will appear by the following letter of the Second Auditor:

SIR-Lieutenant

"TREASURY DEPARTMENT,

2nd AUDITOR'S OFFICE, Nov. 20. 1821.
of the 2nd Artillery was included

in the Comptroller of the Treasury's report to Congress, in 1820, as having failed within the year, to make a settlement of his accounts; and, I therefore consider it my duty, under the 26th section of the 79th article of the general regulations of the Army, to request, that measures may be taken to stop from his pay and emoluments the sum of $76, now due by him on the books of this office. With great respect, your obedient servant,

D. PARKER, Pay Master General."

WILLIAM LEE.

This regulation was calculated to save much money to our treasury, but was excessively annoying to the officers; insomuch that the Father of the Army thought himself called upon to interfere in their behalf, which he did very effectuelly, for a time at least, by the following order:

"DEPARTMENT OF WAR, Dec. 3d, 1821. SIR-The practice of instructing Paymasters, to withhold from officers of the Army all such sums as may be reported by the Second and Third Auditors to be due from them to the United States, is susperseded.

I have the honor, &c.

The PAYMASTER GENERAL."

J. C. CALHOUN,

This order was an important point gained by these officers for the time, and would have continued to be so, but for the interference of the Radicals, who counteracted the effects of this instance of the Secretary's paternal feelings by the following proviso to the Military Appropriation Bill of the 7th of May, 1822:"That no money appropriated by this act, or the act entitled An act making appropriations for the military service of the United States for the year one thousand eight hundred and twenty-two, shall be advanced or paid to any person on any contract, or to any officer who is in arrears to the United States. until he shall have accounted for, and paid into the Treasury, all sums for which he may be liable." be liable." The principle of this proviso was adopt in the Navy Appropriation Bill of that year, well as the appropriation Bills of 1923, and will continue to be adopted hereafter, unless the same shall be superseded by Mr. Calhoun.

as

The partiality discovered on this, as well as on other occasions, by the Secretary towards defaulters, has

drawn nearly the whole corps to aid his cause, and they now form a very considerable part of his strength.

Under the principle of the above proviso, many thousand dollars may be annually saved to the treasury. But the adicals are to have no credit for all this;—the whole will be given to Mr. Calhoun, and considered among the great savings in the War Department;" and quite as fairly so as nine-tenths of the great savings which are attributed to his superior economy. But more of this

hereafter.

What important institutions have the Radicals attempted to destroy? The Navy is their favorite means of national defence, which they are willing to increase as fast as the resources and circumstances of the country will admit or require. On this point, however, there seems to be but one opinion in Congress.

Nine-tenths of the Members of Congress cherish the Military Academy at West Point as an institution which does honor to the nation. It is true a few gentlemen from the West have shewn some opposition to this establishment, chiefly, it is believed, on account of its location; and it is not to be denied that, on that ground, those gentlemen have some cause of complaint.

As to the Indian Department, it was established and long supported from motives of humanity; but for some years past it had become so expensive, so useless, so corrupt, and so totally inadequate to the purposes for which it was instituted, that gentlemen of all parties concurred in a wish to change the system. A law for that purpose has been passed by the constituted authorities, and no doubt will receive the sanction of the nation.

But the Secretary of War wanted money, money, beau coup de l'argent; and a refusal to grant it, constitutes the chief crime of the Radicals. The refusal, especially, to grant him $183,925, to enable him to recruit 5,000 men for the service of the year 1820, is never to be forgiven, as it led him into a labyrinth of difficulties.But although those members who voted against this appropriation will never be forgiven by the Secretary, it