injured and in some cases destroyed. Petitions of the same nature were also forwarded by private citizens of Baltimore. In response, the House of Delegates adopted a report declaring as inadvisable the opening of a route to the North, since thereby "facilities for invasion were offered to the fanatical and excited multitudes of the northern cities . . . whose animosity to Baltimore and Maryland is measured by no standard known to Christian civilization, and who publicly threaten our destruction, without subordination even to the Federal authority . . . it would hardly be consistent with the commonest prudence to reopen the avenues which would bring them to our very doors." The occupation of the soil of Maryland, and the seizure of railroads and other works of internal improvement partially or wholly owned by the state were denounced as an outrage upon the honor of the state. The resolutions also provided for the appointment of Otho Scott, R. M. McLane, and William J. Ross as commissioners to communicate in person with Lincoln, and to protest against the treatment of Maryland as a "conquered province." The threat was indirectly thrown out that the Legislature would adopt no measures to reopen communication to the North by way of Baltimore, unless the Federal Administration should explain satisfactorily the harsh measures which had been employed in dealing with Maryland. The resolutions were agreed to by both houses without a dissenting voice.

The committee subsequently reported that Lincoln in the presence of Seward and Cameron, had received them courteously, and had, in the main, agreed with them that as Maryland had not taken a "hostile attitude" against the United States, that indignities should not be cast upon her. However no definite promise was made to them that the military occupation of some parts of Maryland should cease, though the committee expressed a belief that some modification might be expected."

"Senate Documents of 1861, Document D.

This was the first of a number of resolutions in regard to the Federal administration which were passed during the memorable session of the Legislature, and which gradually changed in tone from simple protests to violent denunciations breathing forth an air of defiant hostility to the United States Government.

The friendliness evinced towards Virginia by the Maryland Legislature is everywhere apparent in the records of the relations at this time between the two states. From the time of the election of Lincoln to the outbreak of hostilities, the mass-meetings and various forms of assemblies held in Maryland in favor of a pro-southern policy, had almost invariably staked the action of the state upon the course to be followed by Virginia. This feeling of dependence upon Virginia can be understood when it is considered that not only was Maryland connected closely with this state by an affinity of institutions and industrial activities; but also that Virginia from her geographical situation half surrounded Maryland, and controlled the outlet of her water highways. A feeling had long existed that Maryland's policy was necessarily bound up with that of Virginia. Consequently when complaints of border outrages by Virginia troops arose, the Maryland Legislature showed no irritation, but expressed a willingness to rest the case on the magnanimity of that state.

On the very day that the Legislature assembled, Hicks wrote to the Sheriff of Frederick county asking for an account of the reported seizure of property of citizens of Maryland by Virginia troops from Harpers Ferry. The report was communicated to the Legislature, on April 29, of a meeting held at Weverton, Washington county, which adopted resolutions asking protection from Virginia troops." Immediately a petition was sent to Hicks from certain citizens of the same locality which protested against the resolutions of the meeting at Weverton, and

Moore: Rebellion Records, volume i, p. 175.

declared that only one house had been searched by Virginia troops, and that had been done without official sanction." The House of Delegates took this view of the matter by a unanimous vote, but favored the sending of a commissioner to Virginia, with powers to make arrangements for the protection of the property and citizens of Maryland from "any ill advised acts of the military forces of Virginia." The Senate concurred unanimously with the resolutions of the House, and Outerbridge Horsey was appointed as commissioner. Hicks also wrote to Governor Letcher strongly protesting against the "outrages" alleged. The members of the House of Delegates disapproved of the position Hicks had taken and declared themselves "confirmed in the propriety of postponing action for the present upon the matters in question by a correspondence between His Excellency, the Governor, and the Governor of Virginia, which they find in the newspapers, and which they presume to be authentic, from its having been several days before the public without contradiction. But for this latter fact, they would have felt it their duty to presume that the Executive would not have corresponded with the Virginia authorities upon a subject which he had brought before the Legislature, and upon which it was acting without at all events apprising us of its character or results. Doubtless however His Excellency has been governed, in so an unusual proceeding, by reasons which he deems satisfactory." Horsey reported to the Legislature on June 6 that Letcher disclaimed any intention to commit outrages upon citizens of Maryland and offered to pay damages for such as committed." Four or five hundred Virginia troops were en

23

24

25

Journal of House of Delegates, 1861, p. 54.

'Journal of House of Delegates, 1861, pp. 142-3.

Ibid., pp. 176-82.

99 24

The claims were settled by Virginia to the satisfaction of the parties demanding damages. Journal of House of Delegates, p. 181.

camped on the Maryland side opposite Harpers Ferry. Governor Letcher on having this fact called to his attention by Horsey replied that if such occupation had taken place temporarily "it could only be justified by the pressing exigency of a military necessity in defense and protection of her own soil from threatened invasion and certainly with no hostile intent towards the citizens of the State of Maryland and that any and all damages to persons or property consequent upon such alleged trespass or occupation should be fully and liberally compensated for.” No objection was found by the Maryland Legislature to Virginia's attitude in spite of the fact that Virginia was opposing by force the Federal Union of which Maryland was a member. Indeed the Legislature took considerable pains to preserve cordial relations with Virginia during this session."

26

The Legislature had shown itself at every step as entirely out of sympathy with the policy of Lincoln; yet no formal declaration on the subject was made for several weeks after the beginning of the session. The principal reason for this was the wide divergence of opinions which existed among its members, and therefore no agreement could be reached. Many sets of resolutions defining in as many ways what should be the policy of Maryland were offered from time to time and buried in the Committee of Federal Relations. Meanwhile the people of the state were anxiously awaiting some formal statement from the Legislature. After numberless conferences and attempts at compromise had taken place, on May 9, the Committee on Federal Relations in the House brought in a report.2

20

27

The resolutions strongly protested against the policy

Journal of House of Delegates, p. 180.

"A commission was sent to Delaware on a purpose somewhat similar.

28 Journal of House of Delegates, p. 106; House Documents of 1861, Document F.

66

of coercion adopted by the Federal Government, and declared Maryland to be entirely neutral in the conflict. Military occupation of the state by the United States Government was condemned as a flagrant violation of the Constitution." Two other clauses were of special importance: One of these expressed a desire that the Southern Confederacy should be recognized by the United States Government, since the restoration of the former Union was deemed impossible; the second declared "that under existing conditions it is not expedient to call a sovereign convention of the state at this time, or to take any measures for the immediate reorganization and arming of the militia." The House adopted the resolutions by a vote of 43 to 13. The minority had offered substitute resolutions going no further than to declare the neutrality of Maryland while Washington should be the capital of the United States.

The Senate on the same day, May 9, had resolved that a joint committee of eight members-four from the Senate and four from the House-be appointed; two of which were to wait upon the President of the United States, two upon the President of the Southern Confederacy, two upon the Governor of Pennsylvania, and two upon the Governor of Virginia. The object aimed at was the obtainment of a cessation of hostilities until Congress should meet and have an opportunity to settle the existing troubles. On May 13, the House refused to concur with the resolutions of the Senate, urging with much reason that as Virginia and Pennsylvania were only members of general governments, they were unable to form treaties or to agree to any cessation of hostilities. Besides the House declared itself unwilling to enter into any negotiations with Pennsylvania because of the “intensity of rancor" which it was claimed the latter had exhibited towards Maryland. Indeed the whole mission was declared to be useless, since the desire of the Southern Confederacy to cease hostilities was very evident; while the determination of the United States Gov