bar. Cooney had come in jest in the nick ov time to drap one ov the rascals in his tracks with a rifle-ball, an' bust t'other's head with the butt ov his gun. The man he war tyin' warn't much hurt; he's in the pentenchry now. As fur me, I war kivered all over with blood, an' which it war still a-runnin'. Come to zamine my head, the ball from Banter's pistol, fired, it war plain, jest as I ducked my head in sneezin', had tuck me right above the edge ov the har over the forred, an' ploughed a furrer fur 'bout six inches clar down to the bone! Heer's the mark, you kin see it yit, Captin. Well, that ar 'bout all ov the story. I picked the bullet outen the wall, whar it stuck, an' runned it agin to fit the pistol. That war the luckiest sneeze 'at ever I snoze; but I don't take kindly to snuff sence then. I knowed I ortn't ter told you 'bout it, but you aint got the fizzeek, as you calls it, ov one ov them newspaper chaps as has made pore Buffler Bill sich a contemporashus jackass-you aint now, ar you? All right; roll yerself in yer buffler an' take a snooze. I'll watch tell the moon rises.'

W. H. KEMPER.

GLEANINGS FROM GEN. SHERMAN'S DESPATCHES.

HOSE thick, loosely-bound octavos, printed on soft and rather

the name of Public Documents, are not generally considered very entertaining reading. But there are exceptions; and one of these is the Report of the Joint Committee of Congress on the Conduct of the War. Indeed, compared with such mild pastorals as Some Account of the Cheese Manufacture in Central New York," or 66 Remarks on the Cultivation of Alfalfa in Western Tennessee," it is quite luridly sensational, and in parts reminds us of those striking Reports of the Duke of Alva to his royal master, which have been disinterred in the dusty archives of Simancas.

As a study of Congressional nature, military nature, and human nature generally in its least attractive aspects, these eight stout volumes are richly worth perusal. Here the reader is allowed to peep behind the scenes of that portentous drama; here he may see the threads of the intrigues that centred in Washington; may hear a petty newspaper correspondent demonstrating with an animation that we can scarcely ascribe to fervid patriotism, the incapacity, the ignorance, and even

the doubtful "loyalty" of the Commander-in-chief; may see private malignity and vindictiveness putting on grand Roman airs, and whispering delators draping themselves in the toga of Brutus.

**

However, it is not with these aspects of the Report that we at present have to do, but with the despatches of Gen. Sherman on his march through Georgia and South Carolina. A great deal of fiction, and some verse, we believe, have been written about this famous march or grand foray; but here we have the plain matter-of-fact statement of things as they were, and they form a luminous illustration of the advance of civilisation in the nineteenth century as exemplified in the conduct of invasions, showing how modern philanthropy and humanitarianism, while acknowledging that for the present war is a necessary evil, still strive to mitigate its horrors, and spare all avoidable suffering to non-combatants. For this purpose we have thought it worth while to reproduce a few of the most striking extracts, illustrating the man, his spirit, and his work.

A kind of key-note is sounded in the despatch to Gen. Stoneman, of May 14, which, after ordering him "to press down the valley strong," ends with the words, "Pick up whatever provisions and plunder you can.”

On June 3, the question of torpedoes is discussed, and Gen. Stedman receives the following instructions: "If torpedoes are found in the possession of an enemy to our rear, you may cause them to be put on the ground and tested by wagon-loads of prisoners, or, if need be, by citizens implicated in their use. In like manner, if a torpedo is suspected on any part of the railroad, order the point to be tested by a car-load of prisoners or citizens implicated, drawn by a long rope." "Implicated" we suppose here means "residing or captured in the neighborhood."

On July 7 we have an interesting despatch to Gen. Garrard on the subject of the destruction of the factories at Rosswell. "Their utter destruction is right, and meets my entire approval; and to make the matter complete, you will arrest the owners and employés and send them under guard, charged with treason, to Marietta, and I will see as to any man in America hoisting the French flag, and then devoting his labor and capital to supplying armies in open hostility to our government, and claiming the benefit of his neutral flag. Should you, under the impulse of anger, natural at contemplating such perfidy, hang the wretch, I approve the act beforehand. . . . I repeat my orders that you arrest all people, male and female, connected with those factories, no matter what the clamor, and let them foot it, under guard, to Marietta, whence I will send them by cars to the north. Destroy and make the same disposition of all mills, save small flouring mills manifestly for local use; but all saw-mills and factories dispose of effectually, and useful laborers, excused by reason of their skill as manufacturers, from conscription, are as much prisoners as if armed."

On the same day he further enlarges on this subject in a despatch to Gen. Halleck :

One of these poems, "Marching through Georgia," we learn by the evidence, was a favorite canticle of Murray the kidnapper and butcher of captive Polynesians. The poet had certainly found one congenial reader. ]

"Gen. Garrard reports to me that he is in possession of Rosswell, where were several very valuable cotton and wool factories in full operation, also paper-mills, all of which, by my order, he destroyed by fire. They had been for years engaged exclusively at work for the Confederate government; and the owner of the woollen factory displayed the French flag, but as he failed also to show the United States flag, Gen. Garrard burned it also. The main cotton factory was valued at a million of United States dollars. The cloth on hand is reserved for the use of the United States hospitals; and I have ordered Gen. Garrard to arrest for treason all owners and employés, foreign and native, and send them to Marietta, whence I will send them north. Being exempt from conscription, they are as much governed by the rules of war as if in the ranks. The women can find employment in Indiana. This whole region was devoted to manufactories, but I will destroy every one of them."

There are two points specially worth notice in this despatch. The first, that since these men and women, by reason of sex, or otherwise, are exempt from conscription, they are therefore as much subject to the rules of war as if in the ranks. Why not do less violence to logic, and state frankly that factory-hands were in demand in Indiana? The next point is that the Rosswell factories, whether French property or not, were destroyed because they were making cloth for the Confederate government, followed presently by the declaration that every manufactory in that region shall be destroyed, evidently without reference to its products or their destination. How much franker it would have been to have added to his last sentence," and thus get rid of so many competitors to the factories of the North." The South must learn that while she may bear the burden of protective tariffs, she must not presume to share their benefits. Another despatch to Gen. Halleck, of July 9, again refers to these factories. After referring to the English and French ownership, comes this remark:"I take it a neutral is no better than one of our own citizens, and we would not respect the property of one of our own citizens engaged in supplying a hostile army." This is the kind of logic proverbially used by the masters of legions.

A despatch to Gen. Halleck of July 13 gives Gen. Sherman's opinion of two great and philanthropic institutions. Speaking of "fellows hanging about" the army, he says, "The Sanitary and Christian. Commissions are enough to eradicate all trace of Christianity from our minds."

July 14, to Gen. J. E. Smith, at Alatoona. "If you entertain a bare suspicion against any family, send it to the north. Any loafer or suspicious person seen at any time should be imprisoned and sent off. If guerillas trouble the road or wires they should be shot without mercy."

Sept. 8. To Gen. Webster, after the capture of Atlanta: "Don't let any citizens come to Atlanta; not one. I won't allow trade or manufactures of any kind, but will remove all the present population, and make Atlanta a pure military town." To Gen. Halleck he writes, "I am not willing to have Atlanta encumbered by the families of our enemies." Of this wholesale depopulation, Gen. Hood complained,

by flag of truce, as cruel and contrary to the usages of civilised nations, and customs of war, receiving this courteous and gentlemanly reply (Sept. 12)-"I think I understand the laws of civilised nations and the 'customs of war'; but if at a loss at any time, I know where to seek for information to refresh my memory."

Gen. Hood made the correspondence, or part of it, public, on which fact Gen. Sherman remarks to Gen. Halleck, "Of course he is welcome, for the more he arouses the indignation of the Southern masses, the bigger will be the pill of bitterness they will have to swallow."

About the middle of September, Gen. Sherman, being still at Atlanta, endeavored to open private communication with Gov. Brown and Vice-President Stephens, whom he knew to be at variance with the Administration at Richmond on certain points of public policy. Mr. Stephens refused to reply to a verbal message, but wrote to Mr. King, the intermediary, that if the General would say that there was 66 terms to be submitted to the any prospect of their agreeing upon action of their respective governments," he would, as requested, visit him at Atlanta. The motives urged by Mr. King were General Sherman's extreme desire for peace, and to hit upon "some plan of terminating this fratricidal war without the further effusion of blood." But in Gen. Sherman's despatch of Sept. 17 to Mr. Lincoln, referring to these attempted negotiations, the humanitarian point of view is scarcely so prominent. He says, "It would be a magnificent stroke of policy if I could, without surrendering a foot of ground or of principle, arouse the latent enmity to Davis of Georgia."

On Oct. 20 he writes to Gen. Thomas from Summerville, giving an idea of his plan of operations. "Out of the forces now here and at Atlanta I propose to organise an efficient army of 60,000 to 65,000 men, with which I propose to destroy Macon, Augusta, and it may be Savannah and Charleston. By this I propose to demonstrate the vulnerability of the South, and make its inhabitants feel that war and individual ruin are synomymous terms."

Despatch of Oct. 22 to Gen. Grant. "I am now perfecting arrangements to put into Tennessee a force able to hold the line of the Tennessee, while I break up the railroad in front of Dalton, including the city of Atlanta, and push into Georgia and break up all its railroads and depots, capture its horses and negroes, make desolation everywhere; destroy the factories at Macon, Milledgeville, and Augusta; and bring up with 60,000 men on the sea-shore about Savannah or Charleston."

To Gen. Thomas, from Kingston, Nov. 11. "Last night we burned Rome, and in two more days will burn Atlanta" (which he was then occupying.)

Dec. 5. "Blair can burn the bridges and culverts, and burn enough barns to mark the progress of his head of column.”

Dec. 18. To Gen. Grant, from near Savannah. "With Savannah in our possession, at some future time, if not now, we can punish South Carolina as she deserves, and as thousands of people in Georgia hope we will do. I do sincerely believe that the whole United States, north and south, would rejoice to have this army

turned loose on South Carolina, to devastate that State in the manner we have done in Georgia."

A little before this he announces to Secretary Stanton that he knows what the people of the South are fighting for. What, do our readers suppose? To ravage the North with sword and fire, and crush them under their heel? Surely it must be some such delusion that inspires this ferocity of hatred, unmitigated by even a word of compassion. He may speak for himself:-"Jeff Davis has succeeded perfectly in inspiring his people with the truth that liberty and government are worth fighting for." This was their unpardonable crime. Dec. 22, to Gen. Grant. "If you can hold Lee, I could go on and smash South Carolina all to pieces."

On the 18th, Gen. Halleck writes,-" Should you capture Charleston, I hope that by some accident the place may be destroyed; and if a little salt should be sown upon its site, it may prevent the growth of future crops of nullification and secession."

To this Gen. Sherman replies, Dec. 24. "This war differs from European wars in this particular we are not only fighting hostile armies, but a hostile people; and must make old and young, rich and poor, feel the hard hand of war, as well as their organised armies.

"I will bear in mind your hint as to Charleston, and don't think 'salt' will be necessary. When I move, the 15th corps will be on the right of the right wing, and their position will bring them naturally into Charleston first; and if you have studied the history of that corps, you will have remarked that they generally do their work up pretty well. The truth is, the whole army is burning with an insatiable desire to wreak vengeance upon South Carolina. I almost tremble for her fate, but feel that she deserves all that seems in store for her.

"I look upon Columbia as quite as bad as Charleston, and I doubt if we shall spare the public buildings there as we did at Milledgeville."

And now we look with interest for the despatches that would settle the vexed question as to whether Sherman, or his officers acting under his orders, burned Columbia on the 17th of February. Unfortunately, a paternal government, not thinking it good that the truth should be known, has suppressed all the despatches between the 16th and the 21st, and every other allusion to the transaction.

On the 23d he writes to Gen. Kilpatrick,- "Let the whole people know the war is now against them, because their armies flee before us and do not defend their country or frontier as they should. It is pretty nonsense for Wheeler and Beauregard and such vain heroes to talk of our warring against women and children. If they claim to be men they should defend their women and children and prevent us reaching their homes."

If, therefore, an army defending their country can prevent invaders from reaching their homes and families, the latter have a right to that protection; but if the invaders can break through and reach these homes, these are justified in destroying women and children. Certainly this is a great advance on the doctrine and practice of the dark ages.