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it went the even greater danger of religious defilement, for which the conditions were also favorable.

The old deities of Athens were identified with a decaying order, and, though they were kept and sworn by and sacrificed to, they were kept as men keep old finery for which they have no further use, but which they do not care to throw away. The culture, moreover, which became at this time imperial, was under the patronage of deities of human origin-great men, living, like Ptolemy or Antiochus, or departed, like Zeus, Hercules, or Alexander, who could make laws, found cities, and render stable a social order, but who had no power to pardon sins or to solve the mystery of life and death. Accordingly, neither the religion of the city-state nor that of the new monarchies was in a position to offer a genuine religious resistance to the everlasting, omnipotent, universal deities of the Orient, who had never been touched with the frailty of mankind, but who could enter into men in spirit, as they had done in the past, and thus enable a revelation of doctrines, rites, purifications, and hopes, for which the sin- and sorrow-laden craved. Nor was philosophy any longer in a position to uphold the convictions of educated men. Its last word was the scepticism of Arcesilaus and Carneades, which made belief equally possible with disbelief.

Just when we are safest [says Bishop Blougram] there's a sunset touch,

A fancy from a flower-bell, some one's death,

A chorus ending from Euripides,

And that's enough for fifty hopes and fears
As old and new at once as nature's self,
To rap and knock and enter in our soul,
Take hands and dance there, a fantastic ring,
Round the ancient idol on his base again.

For a long time Athens shrank from the advances of the new world, as Hippolytus from the love of Phaedra. The classical simplicity and restraint in art lived on there for generations, undefiled by the taste for pomp and magnificence, for striking effects. in color, size, movement, and feeling, and for truth to nature in all its hideousness, as well as in all its beauty, which pervaded the Hellenistic monarchies. So, too, in politics Athens was distinguished by its conservatism. The oligarchs, on limiting the franchise to a minority in 321 B.C., annulled the grants of citizenship earlier made to foreigners; the moderates twenty years later added to a popular a judicial scrutiny before new citizens could be created; the democrats retained this, and in 229 B.C. fixed a limit to the value of property to be held by such as had passed the double

doors. Hence the contrast was so strong between the treatment of aliens in Athens and in Asia Minor, Antioch, or Alexandria, that towards the end of the third century Heraclides applies to their status the harsh term, slavery. It was not till the middle of the second century B.C. that the Athenians succumbed to the practice of Hellenism, but thereafter the fall from Brahminism was rapid and complete. The Areopagus was spotted with togas before the Mithradatic War, and by the time of Augustus the citizenship of Athens was a marketable commodity.

Instead of emancipating women Athens appointed gynaeconomi to restrict and regulate their appearances abroad. Instead of loosening the conventions of social life Athens drafted a new set of sumptuary laws. The precepts of Plato now brought persecution upon his school. The Polity of Zeno, in which differences of sex were ignored altogether, his followers sought to disown; and we can still discern in outline the huge mass of abuse which was cast upon the zealots who studied philosophy with Epicurus, or joined the Cynics in their vagabond life. The deadliest limitation imposed upon Menander was that of having to deal with social life and romantic love in a city which lacked them except in the borderland where monde and demi-monde met. Social disintegration did not take place in Athens till the second century B.C.; and it was not till after 229 B.C. that Athens gave to Cybele, Isis, and Atargatis public recognition and a public priest, so that it was not till then that citizens could form associations of orgeones for their worship, or worship. them except in conjunction with foreigners in clubs of thiasotae. Nor had self-respecting men or women cared to enter the aliens' clubs earlier; for the spirit which brooded over Athens in the early Hellenistic age was that of Lycurgus of Butadae, and his pietism and fanaticism for archaizing had kindled an artificial glow of sentiment on behalf of the deities and cults of the city-state-the political entity which Athens was struggling to preserve. Hence the private religious associations with their grotesque rites and emotional excesses, which earned the scorn of Demosthenes, the sneers of Theophrastus, and the caricature of Menander, were not prohibited of course-for that was impossible-but were put under public control if they met in a public precinct, and put to the need of obtaining a public permit if they proposed acquiring a shrine of their own. They were thus barely tolerated, and to have anything to do with them imperilled social caste. In the second half of the second century B.C., however, these social and religious prejudices were overcome. Not only did the Oriental deities now receive the homage of aristocratic orgeones-among whom an occasional foreigner appears-but

Athenians of the best families sought membership in the foreign clubs, and the type of private religious association which multiplied most rapidly was the one in which aliens and citizens could enter freely without prejudice of social or political status. At the same time the Athenian nomenclature became variegated by the adoption of names of eastern deities, contemporary kings or courtiers, and noblemen from Italy-a clear mark both of the weakening of traditions and of social demoralization.

To speak generally. Through the acquisition of Delos Athens escaped from an eddy into the main current of Hellenistic life. The Athenians lost their distinctive characteristics; they adopted foreigners, and foreign names and ways, and thus became in reality. and appearance a conluvies nationum. They thereupon ceased to receive peculiar honor, which was henceforth reserved for their





AMONG the men who prepare the Catholic civilization of the later Middle Ages for that oversea expansion which marks the opening of the modern world, the figure of Prince Henry of Portugal is of commanding importance. The Infant Dom Henrique is, in his measure, one of the central characters of history: to his work of revival and reorganization may be traced back some of the most valuable lines of modern progress, a large part of what is distinctively modern life; in his person, policy, and achievements is concentrated much of what we prize to-day.

Of Dom Henrique, his labors and his aims, we have no such comparatively adequate knowledge, no such authoritative, manysided, illuminating portraiture as of some other men, some other movements, of less importance and of remoter time. His documents are few: he has left the world no private letters, no formal Apologia, no Memoirs or Recollections, no personal declaration of any sort, worthy of the name, with the exception of his Last Will and Testament, and of certain statements in certain charters. His biographers, the chroniclers of his explorations, men of limited, sometimes perverted, intelligence, scarcely appear to understand him fully. To a deplorable extent his ideas and policy, to a less degree his actions, must remain obscure. But we know enough to see that he comes at critical time and plays a decisive

1In this paper the following abbreviations are used: "Azurara, Guinea", for G. E. de Azurara's Chronica do Descobrimento e Conquista da Guiné, edited by Carreira and Santarem (Paris, 1841); "Gomes", for Dr. Schmeller's edition of the text of Diogo Gomes, De Prima Inventione Guineae, and De Insulis primo inventis in Mari Oceano Occidentis in the Proceedings of the Royal Bavarian Academy of Sciences, March 8, 1845 (Abhandl. d. I. Cl. d. K. Ak. d. Wiss., Bd. IV., Abth. III. (A)), especially pp. 17-41; 'Alguns Documentos", for Alguns Documentos do Archivo Nacional da Torre do Tombo ácerca das Navegacões e Conquistas Portuguezas (Lisbon, 1892); “Bullarium", for the Bullarium Patronatus Portugalliae Regum, edited by Levy Maria Jordão, vol. I. (Lisbon, 1868).


This is to be found (a) in the collection of Pedro Alvares, MSS. da Bibliothéca Nacional, Lisbon, vol. III., ff. 42 v., etc.; (b) in vol. 516 of the library of the Torre do Tombo, pp. 1-13 (an almost contemporary manuscript, written before the end of the fifteenth century). It is printed, e. g., in Archivo dos Açores, vol. I. (1878), pp. 331-336, and in the Marquez de Souza Holstein's A Escola de Sagres e as Tradicões do Infante D. Henrique (Conferencias Celebradas na Acad. Real das Sciencias de Lisboa, ácerca dos Descobrimentos . . . dos Portuguezes na Africa, 1877), p. 81, etc.

part. He appears in an age when the West European world is suffering from failure and exhaustion; he renders vital service to that civilization from which have sprung the progressive states, the universal commerce, the liberal society, the humanized and openeyed intelligence, of modern life.

At the close of the fourteenth century, the external energies of the Catholic nations, which had already experienced so remarkable a development, seem to a great extent paralyzed. To Prince Henry, above all men, is due the revival of those energies which makes the fifteenth century so memorable. Western Christendom, Western civilization, must not forget the silent, thoughtful, untiring leader who restored its fortunes-" unus homo nobis scrutando restituit rem." It is he who gives continuity, permanence, and final success to the feeble and decadent movement of oceanic discovery; it is he who starts again, with so different a result, that search for the Indo-African waterway which the Genoese of 1291 had begun. With him commences the effective participation of the centralized, monarchical, Christian states (the larger unities which now supersede the city republics and feudal principalities of earlier time) in that colonial, commercial, and crusading expansion whose burden. had hitherto rested partly on volunteer adventurers, partly on the great mercantile communities. The Portuguese Infant makes his nation the pioneer of Europe in its final conquest, by maritime paths, of the outer world.

In Dom Henrique's movement, it is true, we may distinguish various elements, but among these no one perhaps is so important, in the view of his own age, as the crusading. After five hundred years of conflict the Christian states of Spain had finally got the better of the Mussulman in the thirteenth century; now, in the lifetime and mainly through the leadership of the Infant, the activity of this crusade is transferred to that Africa from which Spanish Islam had drawn its strength. To the average Spanish Christian of this age (and how much more to the governor of the Order of Christ?) there was hardly any higher duty or more valued privilege

As Souza Holstein points out, Prince Henry was technically "ruler and governor ", not grand master, of the order. He became "regedor e governador" on the death of Lopo Dias de Sousa in 1418, and held the office for the rest of his life (42 years). But he was never professed, and retained his rights of private property and bequest, as authorized by Pope Eugenius IV. in 1442 (Manuscript Collection of Pedro Alvares, III. 13). His control of the revenues of the order was of great importance to his schemes, and he repaid his debt by lavish grants and costly buildings, as at Thomar, where he constructed a new choir, chapter-house, cloister, and tower, for the mother-house of the brotherhood. Começou esta conquista [of Guinea] a custa e despeza dos bens e rendas d'esta Ordem ", says Pedro Alvares, who as cartorario of the order under

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