witchcraft. Their only escape was to get into their little boats, and steal down the river until they got under the protection of the American flag. It was very touching to see the poor, trembling creatures safe in the missionary church.

But the great trouble in Alaska does not come from the Indians. It comes from the white men who are "prospecting" for gold, and who bring not only their enterprise and energy, but that which inflames the blood of white and Indian alike. The great curse of the country is the introduction of ardent spirits. It ruins the Indians wherever they get hold of it, and it ruins a great many of the whites also. The laws against it are very stringent, more so in Alaska than in any of the States; but I heard on every hand that it was impossible to enforce them. They said, “You can seize smugglers on board the steamships that land their cargoes in the harbor of New York, but how are you going to chase the Indians in their canoes, that can hide behind any one of these thousand islands?"

Some said to me, with an air of pity, "It is a hard case that the poor miners, who climb the mountains, and work all day in rain and snow and cold, should not have the comfort, when they come back to their tents, of a glass of whisky." "Now, ain't that hard?" But I found always that those who argued in that way were quite ready to say, "It is impossible to enforce the law."

This talk about what is "impossible" is an easy way of shifting responsibility, but it is not quite orthodox. In my young days the revivalists were going about the country stirring up the churches. But now and then, just as they were setting a community on fire, the fire was put out by a "douche" of “natural inability." Many and great and learned were the discussions on that subject, till somebody satirized the whole war of words in these fitting and vigorous lines:

You can and you can't,
You shall and you shan't,
You will and you won't,

And you'll be damned if you don't.

To all this a man who is in dead earnest says, "You have no right to plead such a defense till you have at least tried to do your duty." A few such men there are in Alaska. The commissioners at Fort Wrangel made very light of all the difficulties in the way, and summed up the whole case in a sentence: "Let the Government show that it means business, and give us a revenue cutter and two or three swift launches that can overtake any Indian canoe-or white man's, either-and there will soon be an end of this greatest curse of Alaska."

But, after all, the great power in Alaska, as everywhere else, is not in the law alone, but in the law supported by the gospel. The bright points in the northern region where winter reigns, at least in its short days and long nights, over half the year, is in the mission schools, where the poor Indian children are gathered and taught and trained in useful industries. I saw them with delight at Fort Wrangel, at Sitka, and at Juneau. My one regret was that I did not see the great work of missions at Annette Island, where that heroic missionary, William Duncan, has been the means of converting a tribe of savages and cannibals into a community as peaceful and orderly and Christian as any New England village. Such missionary work is the only hope of Alaska, or at least of the Indian race.

But, brethren, do not take any traveler's tale, but go and see for yourselves. Go, if you would look upon scenery more wonderful than that on the coast of Norway or in the Greek or Malayan Archipelago. In Alaska you trace the hand of the Almighty in the convulsions which have shaken our globe, in the islands which seem as if they had been thrown down from the tops of the mountains, and to which the great ocean had come up and wrapped them in its loving arms. The west wind and the Black Current of Japan, which is the Gulf Stream of the Pacific, bring them warmth and moisture, till the rocky islands are covered with verdure, waiting for the millions that are coming to possess them, and to build here their summer retreats, as the men of Boston build theirs on the rocky shores of the Atlantic. Here are to be, in the future, the seats of wealth, of learning, and of Christianity. Anticipating all this, it seemed to me, as I sailed down that coast, as if the very mountains covered with snow were white-haired prophets, who looked out upon the future, as upon the great ocean at their feet, and foretold the time when the earth should be full of the knowledge of the Lord, as the waters cover the sea.

Adjourned at 10 p. m.

FIFTH SESSION.

FRIDAY MORNING, October 12.

The conference was called to order at 10 a. m. Prayer was offered by Rev. Theodore Cuyler, D. D.

A VANISHING POLICY.

President GATES. There are one or two things to be borne in mind in our discussion to-day. Our policy for the Indians should be a vanishing policy. We do not want to provide for the perpetuity of this system. Ten years ago we heard the cry, "There is no law for the Indian." He could not be made a citizen. Some of you will remember hearing Captain Pratt at a meeting in New York advise his Indian students that the only possible way for them to become citizens of the United States was to go out secretly in a rowboat and meet, below Castle Garden, one of the incoming immigrant steamers loaded to the water's edge with ignorant foreigners, and, managing to get on board, to "lose themselves" among the Europeans who seek citizenship, and coming into New York with them, to be naturalized in the way provided for any and all people on earth except the original Americans. In this way they could become citizens, but in no other way. Now we see that the swing of the pendulum is in the other direction, and there is danger of making them American citizens faster than they are ready for the duties of citizenship. But they will learn the duties of citizenship by being citizens.

Then we heard it said that unless we set up separate Indian courts of elaborate machinery we could never get rid of this problem. We are seeing now a line of hope along the way which Mr. Austin Abbott has indicated. We are becoming convinced that one law will do for white man and red man; and we want the attainment of this end to be our policy, so far as we can shape a policy to that end. And this conference has really shaped the Indian policy of the nation for the last few years.

Then, when we consider the land question, we want that to be a vanishing policy too. If it were your son or mine in question we should not want to have the principle of the survival of the fittest applied to him in his inexperienced youth. We should want some friends around him, some interest taken in protecting his first employment of his rights. That is what the protected title for Indians means.. We take another step, and say that the Indian should work out his road tax, and that we should provide (from funds held in trust for him) for the payment of such part of other taxes as will take from his neighbors the feeling that they are being unfairly burdened by reason of his untaxed land, held untaxed under this temporary "protected title." But we will not do away with all restrictions, if they are not able to manage their own property. We know how the "land sharks" would take advantage of their ignorance. If it is for the best interests of an Indian here and there to lease his land, then either provide a special commission by which his request to be allowed to lease shall be examined, or, much better, treat him under a uniform law, as we treat the not fully competent white man who needs some guidance and protection, and let the courts pronounce on the desirability of his alienating or leasing his land.

Now, as to agents. We can not get along without agents for some years to come. We hope before many years to reach the point in this reform when the agent can be dispensed with, but not now. There is a vast difference between the lowest of the Crows and the most advanced of some of the other tribes. If the Government and the friends of the Indian do not look after the interests of those who need supervision, then worse men will look after them. Let us for the present demand wellqualified agents with suitable pay. If the President of the United States would say that no agent shall be appointed unless approved by the Commissioners of the Civil Service or by other reputable men who are without partisan bias and are competent to judge, these appointments would be put beyond partisan changes. President Cleveland has proved himself fearless in many matters. Let us urge him to do this, and let us assure him of the sympathy of the most intelligent people of the United States in such a step.

As the discussion goes on, we shall feel that there is room for progress in the educational system. We may feel that we are beginning to see the beginning of the end, when the educational system shall be entirely apart from the Indian Bureau. That can not come at once; but the direction of Indian schools may be given to the Bureau of Education instead of to the Indian Bureau. We happen now to have a United States Commissioner of Education whose philosophic attainments, professional knowledge, integrity of character, and ability command the entire confidence of the people. Could there be a better time to inaugurate such a change?

Through these transition years let us "look to the hills whence our help cometh." We must remember that India is crying out for a Christian education after having

tried a purely secular education. We must not leave Christian influence out of our plans. More Christian work must be done by the religious denominations. If the public school work is taken up by the Government, then the distinctively religious work must be done with redoubled energy by the churches.

Dr. W. N. Hailmann, superintendent of Indian schools, was then introduced, and spoke as follows:

EDUCATIONAL WORK FOR THE INDIANS.

[By Dr. W. N. Hailmann.]

Before I speak on the subject assigned to me, I want to say that I seem to have failed to make myself perfectly clear when I spoke on Wednesday. I have been quoted as having said that the Government should control all the Indian schools. I am very far from that position, and I regret exceedingly that I was so awkward as to give anyone this impression. What I meant to say was this: That as soon as possible all Indian education should be in the hands of the respective States in which the Indians are found; that the States of Minnesota, Michigan, Wisconsin, should take as strong, earnest, and intense an interest in their Indian citizens and the children of their Indian citizens as in the children of their white citizens. I am now on the eve of starting for those States and others, in order to enlist the attention of the educational authorities in those States, hoping to secure active efforts toward bringing Indians into the State institutions. I think this is along the line so clearly brought before us by Mr. Austin Abbott. It is bringing the Indians, with reference to education, under the same agencies in which the white citizen grows from childhood into independent manhood.

With reference to the position of Indian superintendent and the necessity of making that position independent of partisan control, I think I could entertain you for a long time relating experiences that have come to me within a few months.

When the Secretary of the Interior called me to this work at the instance of some friends of mine and of the work who had spoken to him on the subject, I was called there without reference to any partisan affiliation of my own. At least I was not aware that my partisan affiliation had anything whatever to do with this call. I was assured by the Secretary of the Interior that it was his earnest desire to divorce Indian schools from partisan influence. I hailed this sentiment with a deep sense of gratitude, for I had long felt in my work in public schools that the partisan control of educational interests was a constant curse in the development of these interests. I was also deeply grateful that, under Providence, the Secretary of the Interior should have selected me to seek this new light.

I was sent to the Indian Office to find out what my duties were. I discovered that they were exclusively of an advisory character. I had the privilege to see, to hear, and to say what I heard and saw; to make some suggestions here, and there some recommendations; and then that was the end. My recommendations might be received or might be rejected, according to the wishes or desires, perhaps, of the Commissioner, perhaps of the Assistant Commissioner, perhaps of some of the chiefs of divisions interested in the recommendation. I discovered also very soon that the influence of partisan control had not entirely fled as yet from the Indian Office, howsoever desirous the Commissioner was to aid me in the matter, and that consequently action upon my recommendations was not necessarily safe from the influence of partisan considerations.

I waited again upon the Secretary of the Interior, and I have no doubt he saw the grim humor of the situation as clearly as I saw it. In consequence of this, he defined the position and powers of the superintendent of Indian schools as follows:

"It shall be the duty of the superintendent of Indian schools to administer the educational work of Indian schools; to organize the Government schools for Indian youth; to examine, select, and assign to duty superintendents, teachers, matrons, and other employees in the school service; to prepare courses of study and circulars of instruction concerning the educational management of the schools and methods of work; to examine and select text-books and other school appliances; to devise a system of reports from agents, superintendents, teachers, and matrons concerning the conduct and progress of the schools; to visit and inspect, in person or through accredited agents, all schools in which Indians are taught in whole or in part from appropriations from the United States Treasury; and to report to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs concerning their condition, defects, and requirements; and to perform such other duties as may be imposed upon him by the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, subject to the approval of the Secretary of the Interior."

This seemed to be quite satisfactory, and I felt fresh courage. But I discovered very soon that this new rule had brought consternation to some hearts to whom patronage is as dear as the welfare of the Indians. It came to me that there was in certain quarters a determination to make it so very warm for the superintendent of Indian schools-which was an unpleasant promise, considering the approaching hot season-that he would be out before the 1st of July. This announcement was made

to me early in March. I did not care to fight for the position for myself; but I consulted with the Secretary of the Interior, with the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, with other friends, and my own conscience and intuitions, and I came to the conclusion that a power higher than that of these men had called me to this office, and I concluded to be faithful to my trust. I am still in office, and the prospect that the influence of my office will diminish is vanishing encouragingly. Still, I found in the course of the conflict that the pressure of patronage brought to bear upon officials began to modify this declaration in the new rule, in spite of the policy of the Secretary of the Interior and the Commissioner of Indian Affairs. I found that, whereas I was said to examine, select, and assign to duty superintendents, teachers, matrons, and other employees in the school service, this was being virtually contracted to employees in the classified service. You will readily see that patronage would have no special interest in the employees in the classified service, because it could not possibly select them. It had a great deal of interest, however, in the unclassified service, as here it might select by the old methods. I protested, and in many cases with success.

I came more and more to the conclusion that there was an incongruity somewhere in the work; that I, as a representative of freedom from all extraneous influence in the control and conduct of Indian schools, was myself in a measure under the control of the very factor which I had been called to stand against.

Now, it is for the people to decide how this is to be done. It is for Congress to decide. It is for the Secretary of the Interior to propose, it is for you to suggest, the right measures in this direction. I was delighted to hear your President make the suggestion of placing the interests of the Indian school under the direction of the Bureau of Education. Nothing could be more appropriate, and that it is feasible has already been shown by the experiment made with Alaska. The Bureau of Education is necessarily a permanent bureau in the government of this great nation, and it will make no effort to perpetuate the Indian interest for the sake of perpetuating itself.

Under the direction of the Bureau of Education specific Indian schools would probably disappear more rapidly and surely than under any other agency of the Government. That is a thoughtful suggestion, and I commend it to your consideration.

General WHITTLESEY. Please explain to the conference what positions are included in the unclassified service.

Dr. HAILMAN. The classified service includes superintendents, assistant superintendents, teachers, matrons, and physicians. The unclassified service includes assistant matrons, industrial teachers, seamstresses, cooks, laundresses, boys' matrons, and girls' matrons. The farmer also is unclassified.

The position of matron is as much educational as any in the school. The welfare of the school depends on the persons occupying the unclassified position. The disciplinarian has a most important position. He is praetically the assistant superintendent, and should be in the classified service.

General WHITTLESEY. Has the President of the United States, under the civilservice rules, a right to include these unclassified positions in the classified? Dr. HAILMAN. He has.

President GATES. At the time of the last meeting of the Indian Commissioners in Washington a committee called on President Cleveland, and he gave us to understand that it would be a great personal relief to him if all Indian officials were under civil-service rules.

Mr. P. C. GARRETT. If the conference were to ask for a further expansion of the civil-service rules in the Indian service rules, which positions would you ask for? Dr. HAILMAN. I would ask for the industrial teacher, seamstress, disciplinarian, and assistant matron.

Dr. PROUDFIT. What are the duties of the disciplinarian?

Dr. HAILMAN. Largely to assist the superintendent. He is practically an assistant superintendent. He makes the detail of work among the boys for the various ndustrial and economic departments of the school. He has the military drill, and sees that the general regulations are carried out. It is a very important position if properly attended to. He is the right hand of the superintendent with reference to the management of the school.

Gen. CHARLES H. HOWARD. Does Dr. Hailman know any reason why these employees should not be classed in the civil-service classification?

Dr. HAILMAN. No inherent reason.

Mr. SMILEY. One gentleman has suggested that the Indian education be turned over to the Bureau of Education, that it be Would there not be danger of conflict, the Office, and possibly from partisan reasons? another bureau? The teacher wants to get

connected with it as rapidly as possible. agent being appointed from the Indian Would he not hamper the appointees of scholars in, and has to call on the agent

for that power. If they are appointed from different sources, will there not be trouble on that account?

Mr. HAILMAN. I think it is possible that there might be conflict. If the supervision of the Indian schools were placed in the hands of the Commissioner of Education the relationship that should exist between him and the officers of the Indian Bureau and the agents should be formulated and defined.

Mr. SMILEY. Do away with the agency, and you are all right.

President GATES. Do you think the danger of conflict would be greater than we find practically between the agent, who holds office through the influence of party, and the teacher, who goes out in another way?

Mr. HAILMAN. I do not think the conflict would be more sharp than it is now. There is the same conflict now. The agent is the representative of partisan influence. I respect politics, but I have no respect for partisanship.

General Eaton was asked to speak.

General EATON. I am reluctant to say anything on this subject. You have touched a point sensitive beyond description. We are here enjoying the presence of Dr. Hailman. His work is in the line of our theories. I believe the Secretary of the Interior has taken a great step forward in giving this definition to the office of superintendent of Indian schools. But it was only through the efforts of Professor Painter and others that the office was saved at all. And then it was saved with a reduced salary, which any one of us, as an American, ought to be ashamed of. We rejoice in the work of Captain Pratt, and yet not an appropriation bill goes through Congress without a fight over the retention of Captain Pratt.

President GATES. More's the shame.

General EATON. A thousand dollars has been taken off from his pay. [Cries of "Shame! shame!"]

General EATON. Let us not forget these things.

Let these men have something behind them in the law. This organization and other organizations of like character may drive at the law. It has been the impression of some Congressmen that the members of the Mohonk Conference were a lot of cranks and sentimentalists; and last winter they said, "Now we are going to have practical legislation this Congress." What was the line of their plan? The abolition of superintendent of schools and of the Board of Indian Commissioners who, since the days of Grant, have been leading the sentiment of this country in the right direction, and relieving the country of the shame of the centuries. They reduced the salary of the superintendents, and abolished important offices. The efforts of Professor Painter and others saved much last winter. How much they will save next year depends on your efforts. Miss Foote and Mrs. Quinton led the woman's side magnificently.

Now, with reference to this sensitive point. Early, when I went into the Bureau of Education, it had been agreed, when I was asked to take the place, to let the office die by omitting the appropriation, as they would kill the office of superintendent of Indian schools now. General Grant said to the gentlemen giving him this information, No, we have abolished slavery, and education must perform a large part in the solution of questions coming out of the abolition of slavery; and we ought to try this office farther. You ought not to cut off this appropriation." And, under his influence, it was not done. I was asked to take the place. I saw its difficulties. I knew the importance of the office; and, after a time, I said to him, "General Grant, you have put me through some terrible places; but I find, if a man behaves himself decently, you take care of him, and I will consent." Our friend Mr. Dawes said to me, "Give me your figures, and you shall have what you need in the way of appropriations." I mention these things to show you what an exceedingly sensitive position the office of Commissioner of Education was. For years such a man as S. S. Cox, whose ambition was in literature, every time the appropriation came up moved to strike the whole thing out. Out of that condition of things there has come a bureau that I may say-speaking from an experience of some sixteen years-is the most influential office in education in the world to-day. We shall go on, as long as we live, learning the peculiar characteristics of Grant's mind, and his tremendous foresight. He outlined to me the solution of the negro problem before the freeing of the slaves. General Grant had the idea that this very moment has been mentioned. The question of Indian education came up at one time and he said, "I would very much like to see the administration of Indian affairs so carried on that everything could disappear but education, and that could come into the Bureau of Education." You may judge that I was interested when I heard our president to-day expressing the same sentiment.

Yet I must say to you that I found it most essential that the Bureau of Education should have the one single object in view-the organization of information. We do not apprehend the force of that. We move by moral forces in this country, and they are directed by information. It has strength behind it. Yet, when I resigned, they said, "Now the Bureau may be abolished." It can not be. It is a part of