CHAPTER XV. France. Views of France concerning Spain and Portugal-Opening of the Chambers-Montlosier's petition-Law concerning the press-Dissolution of the National Guard-Debate on the Budget-Hyde de Neuville-Censorship of the Press-Maubreuil's Assault on TalleyrandBurial of M. Manuel-Relations with Spanish America-War with Algiers-Dissolution of the Chamber of Deputies-Elections unfavourable to the Ministry-Massacres of November-Prosperity of France. PARTY disputes acquired a new political circles on this occasion. direction among the people of It remained to see, what course FRANCE, upon the announcement the ministry would take, in case of the Portuguese having obtained the disturbances in Portugal and a constitution under the guaranty Spain should, as appeared not unof England. This event, the ultras likely, betray the two latter naregarded with a mixed feeling of tions into war. alarm and astonishment. They denounced the Portuguese charter as a firebrand, which already filled the Peninsula with commo. tion, and might involve all Europe in the horrors or war. England had waged hostilities for twenty years, against the French revolutionists; would she now protect a like party in Portugal? She had protested, at the continental meetings, against interference in the internal affairs of other states; would she now undertake herself to set up a charter in the Peninsula? Such were the questions which agitated the So sensitive was the state of the public mind, amid all the circumstances of the times, that a visit to Paris, made by Mr. Canning at this period, was the subject of endless speculation. It was in vain for him to allege the desire of recreation or the pursuit of health, as a motive for his journey; the world would not believe it was without some ulterior object of deeper importance. The independence of the Greeks,—that of the Spanish American states, Spain herself, and above all the Portuguese constitution,-all these were conjectured to be matters of so much consequence, as to persuade Mr. Canning to make them the inducement of a personal interview with M. de Villele. Such was the condition of public affairs, until the disorders on the Portuguese frontier in November, and the consequent proceed. ings of the English, became the prominent topics of discussion. Precisely in this emergency the French chambers assembled. Their session was opened, December twelfth, by a speech from the king. The fact of the invasion of Portugal from Spain by the anticonstitutional party, drew particular attention to two passages of the speech. In one, he said: "Disturbances have recently broken out in a part of the Peninsula. I shall unite my efforts with those of my allies, to put an end to them, and to prevent all their consequences." These words were thought to be an omen of peace. But a contrary inference was drawn from the conclusion of the speech, in which he said: "France, industrious and tranquil, will acquire new greatness; and her success in peace will not shed around her less lustre than would once more her warlike virtues, if honour should again oblige her to display them." Indeed, the speech seemed to be couched precisely in that ambiguous language, in regard to the great question of peace or war, which might best correspond with the event. On the one hand, the French ministry had given the English assurances of co-operation in striving to preserve peace. The French minister at Madrid, M. de Moustier, who had countenanced the evasive policy of the Spaniards, in respect to Portugal, was abruptly recalled from Madrid, and had now arrived at Paris. On the other hand, the Jesuits and their congregation, were known to have strong sympathies with the Spanish absolutists, their brethren in opinions. If, in 1823, there was sufficient justification, in point of principle, for the French invasion of Spain, there was, in 1826, quite as much for attacking the Portuguese constitution. M. de Villele, in 1823, had given the same assurances of peace that were now proclaimed; but had been obliged to yield to the intrigues of the ultra party. We simply state these facts, to put the reader in possession of the political speculations, thrown out in anticipation of the official acts of the French govern ment. All suspense, however, was terminated by the subsequent proceedings in the chambers. Warm debates occurred on so much of the answer to the king's speech, as touched on the affairs of Portugal. Mr. Canning's exposition of the policy of the British, was sharply and justly criticised as boastful, and derogatory to the dignity of France. But the ministers proved themselves firm friends alike to France and to Europe, by avowing, and successfully defending their co-operation with England on this subject. M. de Damas, the minister of foreign affairs, stated in his place, December 29th, that, when the French army entered Spain in 1823, the English demand. ed and obtained from France, that no hostility should be committed with respect to Portugal, declaring their determination to aid the latter, if attacked. When the late troubles broke out in Portugal, Eng. land made a similar declaration to Spain, which was communicated to all the great continental powers; and it was agreed that Spain and Portugal should each be required to observe the strictest neutrality in whatever concerned the other's affairs. In accordance, he continued, with this common consent, all the powers had unceasingly urged upon the Spanish cabinet not to furnish Portugal with any cause of complaint. France herself had not been backward in testifying her extreme displeasure at the contempt of her counsels which the Spanish government exhibited; and had, therefore, withdrawn her minister from Madrid. And the French cabinet were fully determined to advise their king to leave Spain to her own destruction, if she persisted in subjecting Portu gal to the necessity of assuming a hostile attitude. Such were the views entertained by the government of France, at the termination of the year 1826. After an expression of their designs thus publicly and deliberately made, there could be no doubt of their sincerity, and little apprehension of their being forced into war, contrary to their engagements. In fact, it afterwards appeared, that France and England entered into arrangements, the object of which was to leave the absolutists and the constitutionalists of the Peninsula to their own fate, without the presence of a French army in Spain, or an English one in Portugal, for the protection of either party. France formally recognised the regency and constitutional govern ment of Portugal; as England had done the absolute government of Spain. Previous to the invasion, headed by Silveira, the French intended to withdraw their troops from Spain in April, 1827; but that invasion, and the disturbed state of the entire Peninsula, occasioned a delay of the measure, until actual hostilities between Spain and Portugal were termi. nated, by means of the interven. tion of Great Britain. Without professing, or attempt. ing to recount minutely all the proceedings of the French chambers, we shall briefly refer to such as are most generally interesting. Among the earliest were the debates in the chamber of peers, on the subject of M. de Montlosier's petition, that the laws against the Jesuits should be put in execution. Count Portalis was reporter on the subject; and in anticipation of the business, all the ecclesiastical peers in Paris were present. The report concluded by proposing to refer the petition to the president of the council. This disposition of the matter was opposed, with great vehemence, by the Jesuits and their friends. Cardinal de la Tarre, the duke de Fitz-James, and viscount d'Ambray, spoke against the proposition; while the duke de Choiseul, viscount Laine, and M. de Barante supported it. The debate was concluded by the bishop of Hermopolis on the one side, and baron Pasquier on the other. M. Frayssinous entered into an elaborate vindication of the Jesuits, and urged the chamber to reject the proposition offered by the reporter of the commission, by passing to the order of the day, and thus testifying their disapprobation of M. de Montlosier's petition, which he characterized as an unjust and violent attack upon the ministers of the national religion. Baron Pasquier answered the arguments of the minister of ecclesiastical affairs and public instruction, with great perspicuity and force; and after he had spoken, the question being taken, on the motion to pass to the order of the day, and thus reject the report, was negatived, by a majority of 113 to 75; and so much of the petition as related to the Jesuits in France, was thereupon referred to the president of the council. But a popular triumph of far greater consequence was the result of the discussions concerning the liberty of the press, which have so long agitated the French politicians. These discussions arose upon the project of a law relative to the police of the press, presented in the chamber of deputies on the 29th of December, 1826, by the keeper of the seals. It prohibited the publication of any printed composition not periodical, of twenty sheets or under, until five days after it had been deposited for inspection; and until after ten days, if it consisted of more than twenty sheets. No journal or periodical publication was to be issued, without a previous declaration of the names of the proprietors, their residence, and of some authorized printing office in which it was to be printed; nor without previous security being given on the part of the proprietors, to conform to the laws. The project further provided a scale of pecuniary penalties for the various forms, in which the laws on the subject might be violated. In the passage of the project through the chamber of deputies, it encountered more strength on the part of the opposition than the ministry had expected, and not less zeal, but was finally adopted by a vote of 233 to 134 ;-a vote which the Constitutionnel declared would over France with mourning. The public relied, however, upon the independence and firmness of the chamber of peers, to arrest the progress of a law, which subjugated the press under pretence of regu. lating it; and they were not disappointed. Finding a majority of that body likely to be opposed to them, the ministry determined to withdraw the project, which was done by a royal ordinance, dated April 17th. Paris was filled with rejoicings at this victory of liberal opinions. Illuminations, fire-works, and various signs of satisfaction, testified the triumph of the opposi. tion. Among other acts of rejoicing, the students of the schools of law and medicine paraded the streets with flags, uttering shouts of "Vive le Roi," until they were dispersed by a troop of the gen d'armerie. men between the ages of eighteen and twenty-five. This superb militia was reviewed by the king, on Sunday the 29th of April, in the Champ-de-Mars; and until near the close of the day, every thing went on to the king's satisfaction. Finally, about 15,000 or 18,000 of the national guard assembled, and proceeded to the Champ-de-Mars. In order that they might not have the opportunity of joining unanimously in any particular cry, they were kept in a single column, three deep, and were placed precisely in the middle of the great circus formed by the Champ-deMars. One extremity of the column was near the military school, and the other extended towards the banks of the Seine. Means were taken to prevent the public from occupying the Champ-de-Mars, and the spectators were compelled to remain on the slope which bor. ders it. In consequence of this arrangement, the national guards were kept from having much communication with each other, and they could scarcely hear the people, or the people them. But at length cries of hatred to the ministry began to be raised among the populace, who felt excited and encouraged by the triumph of the liberal party over the law respecting the police of the press. The cries finally passed to the national guard. Three or four legions ut This event was followed by de. monstrations of the popular feel. ing among the national guards of Paris, which led to the disbandment of that fine corps of troops. It consisted of about 45,000 men, of whom 6000 were cavalry, completely armed and equipped at their own expense, being chiefly young tered it repeatedly; and some of |