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CHAP. IX. he could not express any regrets at the event. 1796. And it would be extraordinary, if gentlemen whose

names in the yeas and nays are found in opposition to certain prominent measures of the administration, should now come forward and approve those measures. This could not be expected. He, for his part, retained the same opinions he had always done with respect to those measures, nor should any influence under heaven prevent him from expressing that opinion...an opinion in which he was confident, ere long, all America would

concur."

By the party which had supported the admin. istration, this motion was opposed with great earnestness. The advantages which had resulted from the constitution were said to be too obvious to be controverted; and it was maintained that a comparison of the present situation of the United States with its condition anterior to the adoption of that instrument, or with the condition of foreign powers, was natural and proper. This comparison was made not for the purposes of exultation, but of exciting just sentiments respecting their own conduct.

In reply to the observations respecting the president, it was said, that the whole course of his administration had demonstrated the correctness with which the terms wisdom and firmness were applied to it. Particular circumstances were stated in which these qualities had been pre-eminently displayed; but the general impression which facts had made on the public mind was considered as dispensing with the necessity of stating the particular facts themselves.

It might be true that there were many others CHAP. IX. who could fill with propriety and advantage the 1796. presidential chair, but no man could fill it who possessed, in an equal degree, the confidence of the people. The possession of this confidence enabled the chief magistrate to perform the duties of his office in a manner greatly conducive to the interests of the nation, and the loss of so valuable a public servant was certainly just cause of regret. With this sentiment, the feelings of the community fully accorded. In every part of the United States, the declarations of their constituents attested the regrets with which this event was contemplated by them. Those gentlemen who did not participate in these feelings, would have an opportunity to record their names with their opinions. But those who did participate in them ought not to be restrained from expressing them.

The motion to strike out was lost; after which the words "the spectacle of a whole nation, the freest and most enlightened in the world," were amended so as to read, "the spectacle of a free and enlightened nation," and the answer was carried by a great majority.

Early in the session, (1797) the president communicated to congress in a special message, the complaints alleged by the representative of the French republic against the government of the United States. These complaints embracing most of the transactions of the legislative and executive departments in relation to the belligerent powers, a particular and careful review of almost every act of the administration which could affect those powers, became indispensable. The principal

CHAP. IX. object for the mission of general Pinckney to Paris 1797. having been to make to the executive directory those full and fair explanations of the principles and conduct of the American government which, by removing such prejudices and jealousies as were founded on misconception, might restore that harmony between the two republics which the president had at all times anxiously sought to preserve, this review was addressed to that minister. It presented a minute and comprehensive detail of all the points of controversy which had arisen between the two nations, and defended the measures which had been adopted in America with a clearness and a strength of argument be. lieved to be irresistible. To place the subject in a point of view admitting of no possible misunderstanding, the secretary of state had annexed to his own full and demonstrative reasoning, documents establishing the real fact in each particular case, and the correspondence relating to it.

This letter, with its accompanying documents, was laid before congress.

Those who read these valuable papers will not be surprised, that the president should have relied upon their efficacy in removing from the government of France, all impressions unfavourable to the fairness of intention which bad influenced the conduct of the United States; and in effacing from the bosoms of the great body of the American people, all those unjust and injurious suspicions which had been entertained against their own administration. Should their immediate operation on the executive of France disappoint

his hopes, he persuaded himself that he could CHAP. IX. not mistake their influence in America; and he 1797. felt the most entire conviction that the accusations against the United States would cease, with the evidence that those accusations were countenanced and supported by a great proportion of the Ame rican people.

These documents were communicated to the public; but, unfortunately, their effect at home was not such as had been expected, and they were consequently inoperative abroad. The fury of political controversy seemed to sustain no diminution, and the American character continued to be degraded by reciprocal criminations which the two great parties made upon each other, of being under a British, and a French influence.

The measures particularly recommended by the president in his speech at the opening of the session were not adopted; and neither the debates

in
congress, nor the party publications with which
the nation continued to be agitated, furnished
reasonable ground for the hope, that the political
intemperance which had prevailed from the estab-
lishment of the republican form of government
in France, was about to be succeeded by a more
conciliatory spirit.

With a degree of pleasure seldom felt at the resignation of power, the president contemplated his approaching retirement to the delightful scenes of domestic and of rural life. To several of his friends this sentiment was expressed in terms evincive of its sincerity.

• See Note No. XX. at the end of the volume.

CHAP. IX. To the bitter invectives, and malignant calum. 1797. nies of which he had long been the object, it was impossible to be absolutely insensible. Yet in one instance only, did he depart from the rule he had prescribed for his conduct regarding them. From the republication of the spurious letters, which have been already noticed, he seems to have apprehended permanent injury to his political sentiments; and therefore, on the day which terminated his official character, he addressed to the secretary of state the following letter.

He denies the

of

spurious

lished as his in 1776.

"Dear sir,

"At the conclusion of my public employments, authenticity I have thought it expedient to notice the publiletters pub cation of certain forged letters which first appeared in the year 1777, and were obtruded upon the public as mine. They are said by the editor to have been found in a small portmanteau that I had left in the care of my mulatto servant named Billy, who, it is pretended, was taken prisoner at Fort Lee, in 1776. The period when these letters were first printed will be recollected, and what were the impressions they were intended to produce on the public mind. It was then supposed to be of some consequence to strike at the integrity of the motives of the American commander in chief, and to paint his inclinations as at variance with his professions and his duty...another crisis in the affairs of America having occured, the same weapon has been resorted to, to wound my character and deceive the people.

"The letters in question have the dates, ad dresses, and signatures here following."

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