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1795.

CHAP. VIII. making. It was obvious that, unless this temper could be checked, it would soon become so extensive, and would arrive at such a point of fury, as to threaten dangerous consequences. It was obviously necessary either to attempt a diminution of its action by rendering its exertions hopeless, and by giving to the treaty the weight of his character and influence, or to determine ultimately to yield to it. A species of necessity therefore seems to have been created for abandoning the idea, if it was ever taken up, of making the ratification of the treaty dependent on the revocation of the provision order.

The soundness of the policy which urged this decisive measure was not disproved by the event. The confidence which was felt in the judgment and virtue of the chief magistrate induced many, who, swept away by the popular current, had yielded to the common prejudices, to re-examine and discard opinions which had been too hastily embraced; and many were called forth by a desire to support the administration in measures actually adopted, to take a more active part in the general contest than they would otherwise have pursued. The consequence was, that the real sentiments of the nation began to disclose itself, and more moderate opinions respecting the treaty began to prevail. In those parts of the union where the measures of the administration generally had been popular, this also was approved. In those where a majority of the people had supported the opposition, they still adhered to that party.

In a letter from Mount Vernon of the 20th of CHAP. VIIL September, addressed to general Knox, who had 1795. communicated to him the change of opinion which was appearing in the eastern states, the president expressed in warm terms the pleasure derived from that circumstance, and added. "Next to a conscientious discharge of my public duties, to carry along with me the approbation of my constituents, would be the highest gratification of which my mind is susceptible. But the latter being secondary, I cannot make the former yield to it, unless some criterion more infallible than partial (if they are not party) meetings can be discovered as the touchstone of public sentiment. If any person on earth could, or the great power above would, erect the standard of infallibility in political opinions, no being that inhabits this ter restrial globe would resort to it with more eager. ness than myself, so long as I remain a servant of the public. But as I have hitherto found no better guide than upright intentions and close investigation, I shall adhere to them while I keep the watch; leaving it to those who will come after me, to explore new ways, if they like or think them better.

"The temper of the people of this state, particularly the southern parts of it, and of South Carolina, and Georgia, as far as it is discoverable from the several meetings and resolutions which have been published, is adverse to the treaty with Great Britain:...and yet, I doubt much, whether the great body of yeomanry have formed any opinion on the subject; and whether, if their

CHAP VIII. sense could be fairly taken under a plain and 1795. simple statement of facts, ninetenths of them

would not advocate the measure. But with such abominable misrepresentations as appear in most of the proceedings, it is not to be wondered at that uninformed minds should be affrighted at the dreadful consequences which are predicted, and which they are taught to expect from such a diabolical instrument as the treaty is denominated."

If the ratification of the treaty increased the number of its open advocates, by stimulating the friends of the administration to exert themselves in its defence, it seemed also to give increased acrimony to the opposition. Such hold had the president taken of the affections of the people, that even his enemies had deemed it generally necessary to preserve, with regard to him, external marks of decency and respect. Previous to the mission of Mr. Jay, charges against the chief magistrate, though frequently insinuated, had seldom been directly made; and the cover under which the attacks upon his character were conducted, evidenced the caution with which it was deemed necessary to proceed. That mission visibly affected the decorum which had been usually observed towards him, and the ratification of the treaty brought into open view sensations which had long been ill concealed. With equal virulence, the military and political character of the president was attacked, and he was averred to be totally destitute of merit either as a soldier or a statesman. The calumnies with which he was

assailed were not confined to his public conduct; CHAP. VIII. even his qualities as a man were the subjects of 1795. detraction. That he had violated the constitution in negotiating a treaty without the previous advice of the senate, and in embracing within that treaty subjects belonging exclusively to the legislature, was openly maintained, for which an impeachment was publicly suggested; and that he had drawn Charge from the treasury for his private use more than president the salary annexed to his office was unblushingly asserted. This last allegation was said to be supported by extracts from the treasury accounts which had been laid before the legislature, and was maintained with the most persevering effrontery.

Though the secretary of the treasury denied that the appropriations made by the legislature had ever been exceeded, the atrocious charge was still confidently repeated; and the few who could triumph in any spot which might tarnish the lustre of Washington's fame, felicitated themselves on the prospect of obtaining a victory over the reputation of a patriot, to whose single influence, they ascribed the failure of their political plans. With the real public, the confidence felt in the integrity of the chief magistrate remained unshaken; but so imposing was the appearance of the documents adduced, as to excite an apprehension that the transaction might be placed in a light to show that some indiscretion, in which he had not participated, had been inadvertently committed.

This state of anxious suspense was of short duration. The late secretary of the treasury, during whose administration of the finances this peculation

against the

rejected

CHAP. VIII. was said to have taken place, came forward with 1795. a full explanation of the fact. It appeared that

the president himself had never touched any part of the compensation annexed to his office, but that the whole was received and disbursed by the gentleman who superintended the expenses of his household. That it was the practice of the treasury, when a sum had been appropriated for the current year, to pay it to that gentleman occasionally, as the situation of the family might require. The expenses at some periods of the year exceeded, and at others fell short of the allowance for the quarter; so that at some times, money was paid in advance on account of the ensuing quarter, and at others, that which was due at the end of the quarter was not completely drawn out. The secretary entered into an examination of the constitution and laws to show that this practice was justifiable, and illustrated his arguments by many examples in which an advance on account of money appropriated to a particular object, before the service was completed, would be abso. lutely necessary. However this might be, it was a transaction in which the president personally was unconcerned.

When possessed of the entire fact, the public viewed with just indignation this attempt to defame a character which was the nation's pride. Americans felt themselves affected by this atrocious calumny on their most illustrious citizen, and its propagators were frowned into silence.

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