CHAP. VI. of the two republics. The declaration that "the 1793. duty and interest of the United States required

that they should with sincerity and good faith adopt and pursue a conduct friendly and impartial towards the belligerent powers," gave pe. culiar umbrage. The scenes of the revolutionary war were brought into review; the object and effect of British hostility were painted in glowing colours; and the important aids afforded by France were drawn with a pencil not less animated. That the conduct of Britain since the treaty of peace had furnished unequivocal testimony of enmity to the United States was strongly pressed; in proof of which, the detention of the western posts, to which was ascribed the Indian war, was particularly urged. With this continuing enmity was contrasted the amicable dispositions professed by the French republic; and it was asked with indignation, whether the interests of the United States required that they should pursue "a line of conduct entirely impartial between these two powers? That the services of the one as well as the injuries of the other should be forgotten? that a friend and an enemy should be treated with equal favour? and that neither gratitude nor resentment should constitute a feature of the American character?" The supposed freedom of the French was opposed to the imagined slavery of the English; and it was demanded whether the people of America were alike friendly to republicanism and to monarchy, to liberty and to des. potism?"

With infectious enthusiasm it was contended, CHAP. VI, that there was a natural and inveterate hostility 1793. between monarchies and republics; that the present combination against France was a combination against liberty in every part of the world; and that the destinies of America were inseparably linked with those of the French republic.

On the various points of controversy which had arisen between the executive and Mr. Genet, this active and powerful party openly and decidedly embraced the principles for which that minister contended. It was assumed that his demands were sanctioned by subsisting treaties, and that his exposition of those instruments was perfectly correct. The conduct of the executive in withholding privileges to which France was said to be entitled by the most solemn engagements, was reprobated with extreme acrimony; was considered as indicative of a desire to join the coalesced despots in their crusade against liberty; and as furnishing to the French republic such just motives for war, that it required all her moderation and forbearance to restrain her from declaring it against the United States.

Mr. Genet was exhorted not to relax in his endeavours to maintain the just rights of his country, and was assured that in the affections of the people he would find a firm and certain support.

These principles and opinions derived considerable aid from the labours and intrigues of certain societies who had constituted themselves the guardians of American liberty.

CHAP. VI. That attention to the conduct of the legitimate 1793. authorities which is essential in balanced govern.

ments, and which, guided by an enlightened patriotism, may exert a beneficial influence over the measures of those who are intrusted with the powers of the nation, had, in some few instances, so misconceived the manner in which it might safely be employed, that temporary and detached clubs of citizens had occasionally been formed in different parts of the United States, for the avowed purpose of watching the conduct of their rulers. After the adoption of the constitution, some slight use was made by its enemies of this weapon; and, in the German republican society particularly, many of the most strenuous opponents of the administration were collected.

By the French revolution, the force and power of these institutions had been fully developed ; and their efficacy in prostrating existing establishments had been clearly ascertained. The increased influence which they derived from corresponding with each other, and thereby acting in concert, had been unequivocally demonstrated; and soon after the arrival of Mr. Genet, a democratic society was formed in Philadelphia, which Democratic seems to have taken for its model the Jacobin club formed. of Paris. An anxious solicitude for the preservation of freedom, the very existence of which was menaced by a "European confederacy transcendent in power and unparalleled in iniquity;"

societies

* Its organization appears to have been completed on the 30th of May.

1793.

which was endangered also by "the pride of CHAP. VI. wealth and arrogance of power," displayed within the United States; was the motive assigned for the association. 66 'A constant circulation of useful information, and a liberal communication of republican sentiments, were thought to be the best antidotes to any political poison with which the vital principle of civil liberty might be attacked :" and to give the more extensive operation to their labours, a corresponding committee was appointed through whom they would communicate with other societies which might be established on similar principles throughout the United States.

Faithful to their supposed founder, and true to the real objects of their association, these societies continued, during the term of their political existence, to be the resolute champions of all the encroachments attempted by the agents of the French republic on the government of the United States, and the steady defamers of the views and measures of the American executive.

Thus strongly supported, Mr. Genet persisted in his construction of the treaties which subsisted between the two nations; and, in defiance of the positive determination of the government, continued to act according to that construction.

An urgent occasion requiring his presence at Mount Vernon, the president left Philadelphia on the 24th of June, to which place he returned on the 11th of July. During his absence, the heads of departments superintended the execution of those rules which had been previously established.

CHAP. VI. In this short interval, a circumstance occurred, 1793. strongly marking the rashness of the minister of

France, and the disrespect in which he held the executive of the United States.

The Little Sarah, an English merchantman carrying from two to four guns, had been captured by a French frigate and brought into the port of Philadelphia, where she was completely equipped as a privateer. Having mounted fourteen iron cannon and six swivels, and taken on board about one hundred and twenty men, several of whom were Americans, she was just about to sail on a cruise under the name of la petit Democrat, when the secretary of the treasury communicated her situation to the secretaries of state and of war, in consequence of which governor Mifflin was desired to cause an examination of the fact. The warden of the port was directed to institute the proper inquiries, and late in the evening of the sixth of July, he reported her situation, and that she was to sail the next day.

In pursuance of the instructions which had been given by the president relative to the fitting out of armed vessels in the ports of the United States by any of the belligerent powers, the governor immediately sent Mr. secretary Dallas for the purpose of prevailing on Mr. Genet to relieve him from the employment of force, by detaining the vessel in port until the arrival of the president, who was then on his way from Mount Vernon. In terms as conciliating as its nature would permit, Mr. Dallas communicated this message to the French minister. On receiving it he gave a loose