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deducted out of the debt to his sovereign; and CHAP. V. the request was granted in a manner evincing the 1792. interest taken by the administration in whatever might concern France.

On the part of Spain, a desire had been expressed to adjust the subjects in controversy between the two nations by negotiations to be carried on at Madrid; and Mr. Carmichael, and Mr. Short had been appointed commissioners, with powers equal to the object. In the mean time, the officers of that nation persisted in measures which were calculated to embroil the United States with the southern Indians. By their intrigues with the Creeks, the treaty formed in 1790 with M'Gillivray, was prevented from being ratified, and the boundary line then agreed upon was not permitted to be run. The indefinite claim of territory set up by Spain was alleged to constitute a sufficient objection to any new line of demarkation, until that claim should be settled; and her previous treaties and relations with the Creeks were declared to be infracted by their stipulation acknowledging themselves to be under the protection of the United States.

With Great Britain too, an official diplomatic intercourse had at length been opened. Mr. Hammond, the minister plenipotentiary of that nation to the United States, had arrived at Philadelphia, in the autumn of 1791; upon which, Mr. Thomas Pinckney, a gentleman of South Carolina, who was highly and justly respected, had been charged with the interests of his country at the court of B b b

VOL. V.

CHAP. V. London.* Soon after the arrival of Mr. Ham. 1792. mond, the non execution of the treaty of peace

became the subject of a correspondence between him and the secretary of state, in which the complaints of their respective nations were urged in terms manifesting clearly the sense entertained by each of the justice of those complaints, without furnishing solid ground for the hope that they would be immediately removed on either side.

With respect to commerce, a subject highly interesting to the United States, Mr. Hammond's powers were far from being satisfactory. To the inquiries of Mr. Jefferson on this point, he replied, that he was authorized to enter into a negotiation respecting the commercial intercourse between the two countries, and to discuss those principles which might serve as a basis for a treaty, but not to conclude any definitive arrangements. In fact

there was much reason to believe that the obstacles to a commercial treaty between the two countries would not be soon or easily surmounted. In

In consequence of these nominations of foreign ministers, a motion was made in the senate on a point which is of some importance in settling the principles of the American government. It was contended that the power of that body over the appointment of a foreign minister gave the right to inquire into the policy of making any appointment whatever; and that in exercising this power, they were not to confine themselves to a consideration of the fitness of the character nominated, but were to judge of the propriety of the mission; and were consequently to be informed of the motives which had decided the president to employ a diplomatic character. This opinion was overruled by a small majority.

America, such an alteration in the law of nations CHAP. V. as would permit the goods of an enemy to pass 1792. freely in the bottom of a neutral, was a favourite project; and a full participation of the colonial trade was also most earnestly desired. That the latter of these objects would not be readily conceded by Great Britain did not admit of a doubt; but many intelligent men, possessing great political influence, had embraced the opinion that she could be forced out of that colonial system which every European power having settlements in America had adopted, by regulations restricting her navigation and commerce with the United States. To those who entertained this opinion no commercial treaty could be acceptable which did not contain the concessions they required.

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In addition to a general knowledge of the sentiments of the British cabinet on these points, particular evidence had lately been received of its positive decision respecting them. A compre. hensive report on American affairs had been made to the privy council by a committee of that body, which was laid before the king. A few copies of it had been printed for the members of the cabinet, which were soon called in by a sudden order of council; but one of these copies was obtained and transmitted to the secretary of state of the United States. This report manifested a willingness to form a commercial treaty with the Ame. rican government on principles of perfect equality, both with respect to navigation and commerce, so far as regarded the dominions of his Britannic majesty in Europe; but it also discovered a deter

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CHAP. V. mination, to adhere inflexibly to the existing re 1792. gulations for the colonies. "If," it was said, congress should propose to extend this equality to the remaining colonies on the continent, and to the West India islands, the answer ought to be that the demand would not be admitted even as a subject of negotiation."

On the principle that free bottoms should make free goods, the report was equally positive. It declared "that any article allowing the United States to protect the enemies of Great Britain in time of war should on no account be admitted. It would be more dangerous to concede this principle to the United States than to any other nation, from situation, and other circumstances."

In this state paper the opinion was advanced, that several important articles of exportation from the United States, especially tobacco, had been peculiarly favoured in Great Britain; but that these friendly regulations were not reciprocated by America. The means of retaliating injuries which might be inflicted on British commerce were stated, but those means ought not hastily to be adopted, the more especially, as the existing government of the United States had discovered dispositions more favourable to a liberal and fair intercourse between the two countries, than had been manifested by the respective states. For several reasons it was deemed advisable not suddenly to disturb the existing state of things, but to regulate the trade of the two nations by a treaty, the stipulations of which should be equal, and mutually beneficial, provided such a treaty could

be formed without a departure from those prin- CHAP. V. ciples which, in the report, seem to have been 1792. considered as fundamental.

Wayne appointed

who to the com

mand of the

the army.

In the hostility of the north western Indians, no abatement was taking place; the preparations therefore for terminating the war by the sword were earnestly pressed. Major general Wayne General was appointed to succeed general St. Clair, resigned the command of the army; and utmost exertions were made to complete it to the establishment; but the laws furnished such small inducements to engage in the service, that the highest military grades, next to that of commander in chief, were declined by many to whom they were offered; and the recruiting business progressed too slowly to authorize a hope that the decisive expedition which was meditated could be prudently undertaken in the course of the present year. Meanwhile, the public clamour against the war, which many still persisted to consider as voluntary on the part of the United States, continued to be loud and violent. It was vehemently asserted, that if the intentions of the government respecting the savages were just and humane, those intentions were unknown to them, and that their resentments were kept up by the aggressions of whites, and by the opinion that their extermination from the country they occupied was the object of the hostilities carried on against them. However satisfied the president might be of the fallacy of these opinions, they were too extensively maintained not to be respected as far as was compatible with a due regard to the real interests of the nation.

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