to three hundred thousand; and now a standing CHAP. V. force of five thousand one hundred and sixty eight 1792. men is contemplated, at an annual expense of above a million and a quarter.

They were preparing to squander away money by millions; and no one, except those who were in the secrets of the cabinet, knew why the war had been thus carried on for three years. But what funds, it was asked, were to defray the increased expense of maintaining such a force as was contemplated? "the excise is both unpopular and unproductive. The import duties have been raised as high as is consistent with prudence. To increase them would only open a door for smuggling and thus diminish their productiveness."

Against the motion for striking out, it was urged that the justice of the war could not be questioned by any man who would allow that self preservation and indispensable necessity could furnish sufficient motives for taking up arms. It was originally undertaken, and had been since carried on, not for conquest, but to defend their fellow citizens on the frontiers, who, if not assisted, must fall victims to the rage and barbarity of their savage enemies. It was said to be proved by unquestionable documents, that from the year 1783 to 1790, there had been not less than fifteen hundred persons, either the inhabitants of Kentucky, or emigrants on their way to that country, who had been massacred by the savages, or dragged into captivity; and there was reason to believe that on the frontiers of Virginia, and

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CHAP. V. of Pennsylvania, the murdered and the prisoners 1792. would furnish a list not much less numerous.

The conciliatory disposition of the government was stated, and its repeated efforts to obtain a peace were enumerated. It was particularly observed that in 1790, when a treaty was proposed at the Miamis villages, the Indians at first refused to treat;...they next required thirty days to deliberate;...this request was acceded to, and in the interim, the inhabitants were expressly prohibited by the president to carry on any offensive operations against them. Yet notwithstanding this forbearance on the part of the whites, not less than one hundred and twenty persons were killed and captured by the savages, and several prisoners were roasted alive during that short period, at the expiration of which, the Indians refused to give any answer to the proposition which had been made to them.

However strong the desire might be, both of the general government, and of the legislatures of those states which are most exposed, to cultivate peace and amity with the neighbouring Indians, that object was, in the actual posture of affairs, utterly unattainable. The Indians had killed a number of whites ;...the whites had retaliated; and both parties were in the highest degree exasperated against each other. With minds thus irritated, it was in vain to hope for peace while they continued neighbours. A strong barrier must be placed between them. Were it even proposed to pacify the savages by a repurchase of .the lands they had already sold, such a measure

would procure only a temporary peace, which CHAP. V. would soon be interrupted by a war that would 1792. reproduce the necessity of recurring to the same expedient. The land must be purchased again and again without end;...better was it to make at once a vigorous effort to act in a manner becoming the national dignity, and to maintain their ground by war, since they could not obtain a durable or an honourable peace.

But it was now too late to inquire into the justice of the principles on which the war was originally undertaken. The nation was involved in it, and could not recede without exposing many innocent persons to be butchered by the enemy. Should the government determine to discontinue the war, would the Indians also consent to a cessation of hostilities? their aversion to peace was well known, and the warmest advocate for pacific measures must therefore admit that the war had become a war of necessity, and must be supported The government could not, without impeachment both of its justice and humanity, abandon the inhabitants of the frontiers to the rage of their savage enemies; and although the excise might be somewhat unpopular, although money might still be wanted, what was the excise, what was money, when put in competition with the lives of their friends and brethren? a sufficient force must be raised for their defence, and the only question was what that force should be.

The calculations of the best informed men were said to be in favour of employing an army not inferior to that proposed in the bill. When the

1792.

CHAP. V. known attachment of Indians to war and plunder was adverted to, and the excitements to that attachment which were furnished by the trophies acquired in the two last campaigns were considered, no man would venture to pronounce with confidence how extensive the combination against the United States might become, or what numbers they would have to encounter. It certainly behoved them to prepare in time for a much more vigorous effort than had hitherto been made. The objections drawn from the increased expense which such an effort would require, must entirely vanish before the eyes of any man, who looks forward to the consequences of another unsuccessful campaign. Such a disaster would eventually involve the nation in much greater expense than that which is now made the ground of opposition. Better therefore is it, to make at once a vigorous and effectual exertion to bring the contest to a final issue, than to continue gradually draining the treasury, by dragging on the war, and renewing hostility from year to year.

To experience, the supporters of the bill also appealed for the superiority of regular troops over militia in accomplishing all the purposes even of Indian war; and those arguments were urged in favour of this theory which the subject readily suggests.

The motion for striking out the section was lost, and the bill was carried for the augmentation of force required by the executive.

The treasury was not in a condition to answer the demands upon it, which the increased ex

penses of the war would unavoidably occasion; and CHAP. V. sources of additional revenue were consequently 1792. to be explored. A select committee to whom this subject was referred, brought in a resolution directing the secretary of the treasury to report his opinion to the house on the best mode of raising those additional supplies which the public service might require for the current year.

This proposition gave rise to a very animated debate.

It will be recollected that when the act for establishing the treasury department was under consideration, the clause which rendered it the duty of the secretary to digest and report plans for the improvement and management of the revenue, and for the support of public credit, was earnestly opposed. A large majority however was in favour of the principle; and, when so modified, as only to admit a report if required by the house, it was retained in the bill. In complying with the various resolutions of congress calling for reports on subjects connected with his department, the secretary had submitted plans which, having been profoundly considered, were well digested, and accompanied by arguments the force of which it was difficult to resist. There was danger in assuming the responsibility which would attach itself to the alteration of parts of a system, whereby it might be mutilated, by a member who was not prepared with a substitute, and who did not perceive the full extent of the change he proposed; and a consequent disposition prevailed with many, to adopt the entire plan as