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to it. I should therefore be much obliged for in- CHAP. II. formation of your decision on this subject. At 1783 the same time, the principles of the purest and most respectful friendship induce me to say, that however strongly I wish for measures which would lead to national happiness and glory, yet I do not wish you to be concerned in any political operations, of which there are such various opinions. There may indeed arise some solemn occasion, in which you may conceive it to be your duty again to exert your utmost talents to promote the happiness of your country. But this occasion must be of an unequivocal nature, in which the enlightened and virtuous citizens should generally concur."

While the confidential friends of general Washington, who were also the advocates of a popular government, endowed with sufficient energies to be capable of practical good, were thus in some measure divided on the part which it behoved him to act, there was much reason to fear that a full representation of the states would not be óbtained. Among those who were disinclined to a convention, were persons who were actuated by different, and even by opposite motives. There were probably some who believed that a higher toned* government than was compatible with the opinions generally prevailing among the friends of order, of real liberty, and of national character,

This sentiment was far from being avowed by any correspondent of general Washington, but is stated in the pri vate letters to him, to have been taken up by some.

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CHAP. II. was essential to the public safety. They believed 1783 that men would only be conducted to that point 1787. through the road of misery into which their follies would lead them, and that "times must be worse before they could be better." There were many who had sketched in their own minds a plan of government strongly resembling that which has been actually adopted, but who despaired of seeing so rational a system accepted, or even recommended; "some gentlemen," said the correspondent last mentioned, " are apprehensive that a convention of the nature proposed to meet in May next, might devise some expedient to brace up the present defective confederation, so as just to serve to keep us together, while it would prevent those exertions for a national character which are essential to our happiness: that in this point of view it might be attended with the bad effect of assisting us to creep on in our present miserable condition, without a hope of a generous constitution, that should, at the same time, shield us from the effects of faction, and of despotism."* There were many who discountenanced the convention, because the mode of calling it was deemed irregular, and some objected to it, because it was not so constituted as to give authority to the plan which should be devised. But the great mass of opposition originated in a devotion to state sove

* In a subsequent part of the same letter, this gentleman draws the outlines of a constitution such as he would wish. It is essentially the same with that which was recommended by the convention.

reignty, and in hostility to any considerable aug. CHAP. II. mentation of federal authority.

The ultimate decision of the states on this interesting proposition seems to have been in some degree influenced by the commotions which about that time agitated all New England, and particularly Massachussetts.*

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in Massa

Those causes of discontent which have been Insurrection stated to have existed after the restoration of peace, chussetts. in every part of the union, were no where more operative than in New England. The great exertions which had been made by those states in the course of the war, had accumulated a mass of debt, the taxes for the payment of which were the more burdensome, because their fisheries had become unproductive. This important branch of industry, which, before the revolution, had in some measure compensated for the want of those rich staples that were possessed by the middle and southern colonies, had been unavoidably neglected during the struggle for independence: and, as a consequence of that independence, had not only been deprived of the encouragements under which it had flourished, but its produce was excluded from markets which had formerly been open to it. The restlessness produced by the uneasy situation of individuals, connected with lax notions concerning public and private faith, and erroneous

This spirit broke out also with great violence in New Hampshire; but it was crushed by the instant and vigorous exertions of general Sullivan who was at the head of the executive of that state.

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CHAP. II. Opinions which confound liberty with an exemp1783 tion from legal control, produced a state of things which alarmed all reflecting men, and demonstrated to many the indispensable necessity of clothing government with powers sufficiently ample for the protection of the rights of the peaceable and quiet, from the invasions of the licentious and turbulent part of the community.

This disorderly spirit was cherished by unlicensed conventions, which, after voting their own constitutionality, and assuming the name of the people, arrayed themselves against the legislature, and detailed at great length the grievances by which they alleged themselves to be oppressed. Its hostility was principally directed against the compensation promised to the officers of the army, against taxes, and against the administration of justice and the circulation of a depreciated currency was required, as a relief from the pressure of public and private burdens which had become, it was alleged, too heavy to be borne. Againstlawyers and courts, the strongest resentments were manifested; and to such a dangerous extent were these dispositions indulged, that, in many instances, tumultuous assemblages of people arrested the course of law, and restrained the judges from proceeding in the execution of their

* These mobs were generally successful. One only instance of their failure is stated in the papers which the author has perused. Colonel Cobb, who had been in the family of general Washington during the war, had been appointed in Massachussetts a major general of the militia, and judge of

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duty. The ordinary recourse to the power of the CHAP. II. county was found an insufficient security, and the appeals made to reason were attended with no beneficial effect. The forbearance of the government was attributed to timidity rather than to moderation, and the spirit of insurrection appeared to be organized into a regular system for the suppression of courts.

In the bosom of Washington, these tumults excited attention and alarm. "For God's sake tell me," said he in a letter to colonel Humphries, "what is the cause of all these commotions? do they proceed from licentiousness, British influence disseminated by the tories, or real grievances which admit of redress? if the latter, why was redress delayed until the public mind had become so much agitated? if the former, why are not the powers of government tried at once? it is as well to be without, as not to exercise them. Commotions of this sort, like snow balls, gather strength as they roll, if there is no opposition in the way to divide and crumble them."

"As to your question my dear general," said colonel Humphries in reply, "respecting the cause and origin of these commotions, I hardly find myself in condition to give a certain answer. If from all the information I have been able to

one of their courts. He declared "that he would die as a general or sit as a judge," and in execution of this declaration, he appeared on the day of session, at the head of three hundred men. The mob were more numerous, but did not choose to resort to violence.

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