Ex-Secretary Blaine on the 3d of January sent the following letter to President Arthur: No power has been given to the Mor-lived he intended to make his administramon Hierarchy that has not been abused. tion brilliant at home and abroad-a view The right of representation in the legisla- confirmed by the policy conceived by tive councils has been violated in the ap-Secretary Blaine and sanctioned, it must portionment of members so as to disfran- be presumed, by President Garfield. This chise the non-Mormon class. The system policy looked to closer commercial and of revenue and taxation was for twenty-political relations with all of the Republics five years a system of confiscation and ex- on this Hemisphere, as developed in the tortion. The courts were so organized and following quotations from a correspondcontrolled that they were but the organs of ence, the publication of which lacks comthe church oppressions and ministers of pleteness because of delays in transmitting its vengeance. The legal profession was all of it to Congress. abolished by a statute that prohibited a lawyer from recovering on any contract for service, and allowed every person to appear as an attorney in any court. The "The suggestion of a congress of all the attorney was compelled to present "all the American nations to assemble in the city facts in the case," whether for or against of Washington for the purpose of agreeing his client, and a refusal to disclose the on such a basis of arbitration for internaconfidential communications of the latter tional troubles as would remove all possisubjected the attorney to fine and imprison- bility of war in the Western hemisphere ment. No law book except the statutes was warmly approved by your predecessor. of Utah and of the United States, "when The assassination of July 2 prevented his applicable," was permitted to be read in issuing the invitations to the American any court by an attorney, and the citation States. After your accession to the Preof a decision of the Supreme Court of the sidency I acquainted you with the project United States, or even a quotation from and submitted to you a draft for such an the Bible, in the trial of any cause, sub-invitation. You received the suggestion jected a lawyer to fine and imprisonment. with the most appreciative consideration, The practitioners of medicine were and after carefully examining the form of equally assailed by legislation. The use the invitation directed that it be sent. It of the most important remedies known to was accordingly dispatched in November modern medical science, including all an-to the independent governments of Ameriaesthetics, was prohibited except under ca North and South, including all, from conditions which made their use impossi-the Empire of Brazil to the smallest reble," and if death followed" the adminis- public. In a communication addressed by tration of these remedies, the person ad- the present Secretary of State on January ministering them was declared guilty of 9, to Mr. Trescot and recently sent to the manslaughter or murder.' The Legislative Senate I was greatly surprised to find a Assembly is but an organized conspiracy against the national law, and an obstacle in the way of the advancement of its own people. For sixteen years it refused to lay its enactments before Congress, and they were only obtained by a joint resolution demanding them. Once in armed rebellion against the authority of the nation, the Mormons have always secretly strug- "This is certainly a new position for the gled for, as they have openly prophesied, United States to assume, and one which I its entire overthrow. Standing thus in the earnestly beg you will not permit this pathway of the material growth and devel-government to occupy. The European opment of the Territory, a disgrace to the balance of the country, with no redeeming virtue to plead for further indulgence, this travesty of a local government demands radical and speedy reform. The South American Question. If it was not shrewdly surmised before it is now known that had President Garfield 1 See act of January 17 1862. 2 Act of January 7, 1854, sec. 14. proposition looking to the annulment of these invitations, and I was still more surprised when I read the reasons assigned. If I correctly apprehend the meaning of his words it is that we might offend some European powers if we should hold in the United States a congress of the "selected nationalities" of America. powers assemble in congress whenever an object seems to them of sufficient importance to justify it. I have never heard of their consulting the government of the United States in regard to the propriety of their so assembling, nor have I ever known of their inviting an American representative to be present. Nor would there, in my judgment, be any good reason for their so doing. Two Presidents of the United States in the year 1881 adjudged it to be expedient that the American powers should Acts of Jan 21, 183, and of January, 1855, sec. 29. meet in congress for the sole purpose of 4 Act of February 18, 1832. 6 Act of February 18, 1852. Act of January 14, 1854. 1 Sec. 106, Act March 6, 1852. agreeing upon some basis for arbitration of differences that may arise between them and for the prevention, as far as possible, of war in the future. If that movement is now to be arrested for fear that it may give offense in Europe, the voluntary humiliation of this government could not be more complete, unless we should press the European governments for the privilege of holding the congress. I cannot conceive how the United States could be placed in a less enviable position than would be secured by sending in November a cordial invitation to all the American governments to meet in Washington for the sole purpose of concerting measures of peace and in January recalling the invitation for fear that it might create "jealousy and ill will" on the part of monarchical governments in Europe. It would be difficult to devise a more effective mode for making enemies of the American Government and it would certainly not add to our prestige in the European world. Nor can I see, Mr. President, how European governments should feel "jealousy and ill will" towards the United States because of an effort on our own part to assure lasting peace between the nations of America, unless, indeed, it be to the interest of European power that American nations should at intervals fall into war and bring reproach on republican government. But from that very circumstance I see an additional and powerful motive for the American Governments to be at peace among themselves. "The United States is indeed at peace with all the world, as Mr. Frelinghuysen well says, but there are and have been serious troubles between other American nations. Peru, Chili and Bolivia have been for more than two years engaged in a desperate conflict. It was the fortunate intervention of the United States last spring that averted war between Chili and the Argentine Republic. Guatemala is at this moment asking the United States to interpose its good offices with Mexico to keep off war. These important facts were all communicated in your late message to Congress. It is the existence or the menace of these wars that influenced President Garfield, and as I supposed influenced yourself, to desire a friendly conference of all the nations of America to devise methods of permanent peace and consequent prosperity for all. Shall the United States now turn back, hold aloof and refuse to exert its great moral power for the advantage of its weaker neighbors? invitation for any cause would be embarrassing; to revoke it for the avowed fear of "jealousy and ill will" on the part of European powers would appeal as little to American pride as to American hospitality. Those you have invited may decline, and having now cause to doubt their welcome will, perhaps, do so. This would break up the congress, but it would not touch our dignity. Beyond the philanthropic and Christian ends to be obtained by an American conference devoted to peace and good-will among men, we might well hope for material advantages, as the result of a better understanding and closer friendship with the nation of America. At present the condition of trade between the United States and its American neighbors is unsatisfactory to us, and even deplorable. According to the official statistics of our own Treasury Department, the balance against us in that trade last year was $120,000,000-a sum greater than the yearly product of all the gold and silver mines in the United States. This vast balance was paid by us in foreign exchange, and a very large proportion of it went to England, where shipments of cotton, provisions and breadstuffs supplied the money. If anything should change or check the balance in our favor in European trade our commercial exchanges with Spanish America would drain us of our reserve of gold at a rate exceeding $100,000,000 per annum, and would probably precipitate a suspension of specie payment in this country. Such a result at home might be worse than a little jealousy and ill-will abroad. I do not say, Mr. President, that the holding of a peace congress will necessarily change the currents of trade, but it will bring us into kindly relations with all the American nations; it will promote the reign of peace and law and order; it will increase production and consumption and will stimulate the demand for articles which American manufacturers can furnish with profit. It will at all events be a friendly and auspicious beginning in the direction of American influence and American trade in a large field which we have hitherto greatly neglected and which has been practically monopolized by our commercial rivals in Europe. As Mr. Frelinghuysen's dispatch, foreshadowing the abandonment of the peace congress, has been made public, I deem it a matter of propriety and justice to give this letter to the press. JAS. G. BLAINE. If you have no formally and finally recalled the invitations to the Peace Congress, Mr. President, I beg you to consider well the effect of so doing. The invitation was not mine. It was yours. I performed The above well presents the Blaine view only the part of the Secretary to advise of the proposition to have a Conand to draft. You spoke in the name of gress of the Republics of America at the United States to each of the indepen- Washington, and under the patronage of dent nations of America. To revoke that this government, with a view to settle all difficulties by arbitration, to promote trade, | chiefs of Government on the Continent can and it is presumed to form alliances ready be less sensitive than he is to the sacred to suit a new and advanced application of the Monroe doctrine. The following is the letter proposing a conference of North and South American Republics sent to the U. S. Ministers in Central and South America: duty of making every endeavor to do away with the chances of fratricidal strife, and he looks with hopeful confidence to such active assistance from them as will serve to show the broadness of our common humanity, the strength of the ties which bind us all together as a great and harmonious system of American Commonwealths. A GENERAL CONGRESS PROPOSED. SIR: The attitude of the United States with respect to the question of general peace on the American Continent is well known through its persistent efforts for years past to avert the evils of warfare, or, these efforts failing, to bring positive con- Impressed by these views, the President flicts to an end through pacific counsels or extends to all the independent countries of the advocacy of impartial arbitration. North and South America an earnest inThis attitude has been consistently main-vitation to participate in a general Contained, and always with such fairness as to gress, to be held in the city of Washingleave no room for imputing to our Govern-ton, on the 22d of November, 1882, for the ment any motive except the humane and disinterested one of saving the kindred States of the American Continent from the burdens of war. The position of the United States, as the leading power of the new world, might well give to its Government a claim to authoritative utterance for the purpose of quieting discord among its neighbors, with all of whom the most friendly relations exist. Nevertheless the good offices of this Government are not, and have not at any time, been tendered with a show of dictation or compulsion, but only as exhibiting the solicitous good will of a common friend. For some years past a growing disposition has been manifested by certain States of Central and South America to refer disputes affecting grave questions of international relationship and boundaries to arbitration rather than to the sword. It has been on several occasions a source of profound satisfaction to the Government of the United States to see that this country is in a large measure looked to by all the American powers as their friend and mediator. The just and impartial counsel of the President in such cases, has never been withheld, and his efforts have been rewarded by the prevention of sanguinary strife or angry contentions between peoples whom we regard as brethren. The existence of this growing tendency convinces the President that the time is ripe for a proposal that shall enlist the good will and active co-operation of all the States of the Western Hemisphere both North and South, in the interest of humanity and for the common weal of nations. He conceives that none of the Governments of America can be less alive than our own to the dangers and horrors of a state of war, and especially of war between kinsmen. He is sure that none of the purpose of considering and discussing the methods of preventing war between the nations of America. He desires that the attention of the Congress shall be strictly confined to this one great object; and its sole aim shall be to seek a way of permanently averting the horrors of a cruel and bloody contest between countries oftenest of one blood and speech, or the even worse calamity of internal commotion and civil strife; that it shall regard the burdensome and far-reaching consequences of such a struggle, the legacies of exhausted finances, of oppressive debt, of onerous taxation, of ruined cities, of paralyzed industries, of devastated fields, of ruthless conscriptions, of the slaughter of men, of the grief of the widow and orphan, of embittered resentments that fong survive those who provoked them and heavily afflict the innocent generations that come after. THE MISSION OF THE CONGRESS. The President is especially desirous to have it understood that in putting forth this invitation the United States does not assume the position of counseling or attempt ing, through the voice of the Congress, to counsel any determinate solution of existing questions which may now divide any of the countries. Such questions cannot properly come before the Congress. Its mission is higher. It is to provide for the interests of all in the future, not to settle the individual differences of the present. For this reason especially the President has indicated a day for the assembling of the Congress so far in the future as to leave good ground for the hope that by the time named the present situation on the South Pacific coast will be happily terminated, and that those engaged in the contest may take peaceable part in the discussion and solution of the general question affecting in an equal degree the well-being of all. It seems also desirable to disclaim in ad vance any purpose on the part of the operation of all the States of Central United States to prejudge the issues to be America in the proposed congress.-Each, presented to the Congress. It is far from I have no doubt, will ultimately agree to the intent of this Government to appear send the specified number of commissionbefore the Congress as in any sense the ers and assume, outwardly, an appearance protector of its neighbors or the predestined or sincere co-operation, but, as you will and necessary arbitrator of their disputes. perceive from your knowledge of the posThe United States will enter into the deliber-ture of affairs, all hope of effecting a union ations of the Congress on the same footing of these States except upon a basis the as other powers represented, and with the leaders will never permit that of a free loyal determination to approach any pro- choice of the whole people-will be at an posed solution, not merely in its own inter- end. The obligation to keep the reace, est, or with a view to asserting its own imposed by the congress, will bind the power, but as a single member among United States as well as all others, and many co-ordinate and co-equal States. So thus prevent any efforts to bring about the far as the influence of this Government desired union other than those based upon may be potential, it will be exerted in the a simple tender of good offices-this means direction of conciliating whatever con- until the years shall bring about a radical flicting interests of blood, or government, change-must be as inefficient in the future or historical tradition that may necessarily as in the past. The situation, as it apcome together in response to a call pears to me, is a difficult one. As a means embracing such vast and diverse ele-of restraining the aggressive tendency of ments. INSTRUCTIONS TO THE MINISTERS. Mexico in the direction of Central America, the congress would be attended by the happiest results, should a full agreement You will present these views to the be reached. But as the Central American Minister of Foreign Affairs of Costa Rica, States are now in a chaotic condition, politienlarging, if need be, in such terms as cally considered, with their future status will readily occur to you upon the great wholly undefined, and as a final settlement mission which it is within the power of the can only be reached, as it now appears, proposed Congress to accon:plish in the in- through the operation of military forces, terest of humanity, and the firm purpose the hope of a Federal union in Central of the United States of America to main- America would be crushed, at least in the tain a position of the most absolute and immediate present. Wiser heads than my impartial friendship toward all. You will, own may devise a method to harmonize therefore, in the name of the President of these difficulties when the congress is acthe United States, tender to his Excel-tually in session, but it must be constantly lency, the President of, a formal remembered that so far as the Central invitation to send two commissioners to American commissioners are concerned the Congress, provided with such powers and instructions on behalf of their Government as will enable them to consider the questions brought before that body within the limit of submission contemplated by this invitation. The United States, as well as the other powers, will in like manner be represented by two commissioners, so that equality and impartiality will be amply secured in the proceedings of the Congress. they will represent the interests and positive mandates of their respective government chiefs in the strictest and most absolute sense. While all will probably send commissioners, through motives of expediency, they may possibly be instructed to secretly defeat the ends of the convention. I make these suggestions that you may have the whole field under view. "I may mention in this connection that I have received information that up to the In delivering this invitation through theenth of the present month only two memMinister of Foreign Affairs, you will read bers of the proposed convention at Panathis despatch to him and leave with him a ma had arrived and that it was considered copy, intimating that an answer is desired as having failed." by this Government as promptly as the just consideration of so important a proposition will permit. I am, sir, your obedient servant, Contemporaneous with these movements or suggestions was another on the part of Mr. Blaine to secure from England a modification or abrogation of the ClaytonBulwer treaty, with the object of giving to the United States, rather to the Republics of North and South America, full superIvision of the Isthmus and Panama Canal when constructed. This branch of the correspondence was sent to the Senate on "From a full review of the situation, as the 17th of February. Lord Granville, in heretofore detailed to you, I am not clear his despatch of January 7th to Minister as to being able to obtain the genuine co-West in reference to the Clayton-Bulwer Minister Logan's Reply. The following is an abstract of the reply of Minister Logan to the above. Treaty controversy, denies any analogy | it has yet been found preferable to arrive between the cases of the Panama and at a solution as to those details rather than Suez Canals. He cordially concurs in Mr. to sacrifice the general bases of the enBlaine's statement in regard to the unex-gagement, it must surely be allowed that ampled development of the Pacific Coast, but denies that it was unexpected. such a fact, far from being an argument against that engagement, is an argument He says the declaration of President distinctly in its favor. It is equally plain Monroe anterior to the treaty show that that either of the contracting parties which he and his Cabinet had a clear prevision of had abandoned its own contention for the the great future of that region. The de- purpose of preserving the agreement in its velopment of the interests of the British entirety would have reason to complain if possessions also continued, though possibly the differences which had been settled by less rapidly. The Government are of the its concessions were afterwards urged as a opinion that the canal, as a water way be- reason for essentially modifying those other tween the two great oceans and Europe and provisions which it had made this sacrifice Eastern Asia, is a work which concerns not to maintain. In order to strengthen these only the American Continent, but the arguments, the Earl reviews the correswhole civilized world. With all deference pondence, quotes the historical points made to the considerations which prompted Mr. by Mr. Blaine and in many instances inBlaine he cannot believe that his propo- troduces additional data as contradicting sals will be even beneficial in themselves. the inferences drawn by Mr. Blaine and He can conceive a no more melancholy supporting his own position. spectacle than competition between nations in the construction of fortifications to command the canal. He cannot believe that any South American States would like to admit a foreign power to erect fortifications on its territory, when the claim to do so is accompanied by the declaration that the canal is to be regarded as a part of the American coast line. It is difficult to believe, he says, that the territory between it and the United States could retain its present independence. Lord Granville believes that an invitation to all the maritime states to participate in an agreement based on the stipulations of the Convention of 1850, would make the Convention adequate for the purposes for which it was designed. Her Majesty's Government would gladly see the United States take the initiative towards such a convention, and will be prepared to endorse and support such action in any way. provided it does not conflict with the Clayton-Bulwer treaty. The point on which Mr. Blaine laid particular stress in his despatch to Earl Granville, is the objection made by the government of the United States to any concerted action of the European powers for the purpose of guarantying the neutrality of the Isthmus canal or determining the conditions of its use. CHILI AND PERU. The entire question is complicated by the war between Chili and Peru, the latter owning immense guano deposits in which interested. These sought the friendly inAmerican citizens have become financially tervention of our government to prevent Chili, the conquering Republic, from appropriating these deposits as part of her war indemnity. The Landreau, an original French claim, is said to represent $125,000,000, and the holders were prior to and during the war pressing it upon Calderon, Lord Granville, in a subsequent despatch, the Cochet claim, another of the same the Peruvian President, for settlement; draws attention to the fact that Mr. Blaine, in using the argument that the treaty has class, represented $1,000,000,000. Doubtless these claims are speculative and largely been a source of continual difficulties, omits to state that the questions in dispute ested in their collection and preservation. fraudulent, and shrewd agents are interwhich related to points occupied by the A still more preposterous and speculative British in Central America were removed in 1860 by the voluntary action of Great movement was fathered by one Shipherd, Britain in certain treaties concluded with who opened a correspondence with Minis Honduras and Nicaragua, the settlement ter Hurlburt, and with other parties for being recognized as perfectly satisfactory by President Buchanan. Lord Granville says, further, that during this controversy America disclaimed any desire to have the exclusive control of the canal. The Earl contends that in cases where the details of an international agreement have given rise to difficulties and discussions to such an extent as to cause the contracting parties at one time to contemplate its abrogation or modification as one of several possible alternatives, and where which was to pay the $20,000,000 money the establishment of the Credit Industriel, indemnity demanded of Peru by Chili, and to be reimbursed by the Peruvian nitrates and guano deposits. THE SCANDAL. All of these things surround the question with scandals which probably fail to truthfully reach any prominent officer of our government, but which have nevertheless attracted the attention of Congress to |