In the foregoing statements are not included the municipal taxes of Buenos Ayres, or the local taxes of the thirteen other provinces. It is, however, sufficient to remark that the city of Buenos Ayres paid thirty-five times as much per capita as the other provinces, than which circumstance none can more satisfactorily explain the wish of the Buenos Ayreans to get rid of so much government. "The cause of such heavy taxation," observes an Argentine economist, "is the extra liberality of the British public in lending us money," and indeed the interest and sinking fund of the following loan constitute a heavy yearly drain:

there is too much of the gambling element; and a country whose foreign securities have almost attained par value, ought not to be exposed to the humiliation of a depreciated currency at home.

The great feature in Argentine history during the past few years is the increase of production, and the marked excess in the value of the exports over that of the imports, the reverse of which condition was formerly the rule. The appended tables show the values, sources, and destinations, respectively, of the imports and exports for 1879:

From.

Belgium. Brazil

Chili.

31,250,000

France. Germany

5,750,000

Great Britain

10,500,000

Holland

Italy..

$63,750,000

Paraguay..

IMPORTS.

Values, $3,081,000 2,224,000 821,000 9,105,000 2,218,000 12,033,000 296,000

In this table are not comprised the Buschenthal loan of 1863, the foreign indemnity bond, the 1876 loan of 500,000,000 pesos current money (about $20,000,000), the Lottery loan of 1878, nor such minor matters as the loans to Santa Fé and Entre-Rios. If the railway guarantees be excepted, the whole indebtedment of the republic and of Buenos Ayres is about $100,000,000, or a little over $10 per capita of the population of the country, and one fourth of the Australian average. If the finances be carefully handled, says the writer last referred to, the country will retrieve itself in ten or fifteen years. It is a pity that the public men are violent protectionists, and paralyze the imports with an impost of 50 per cent. ad valorem for the purpose of protecting manufactures. In this way "good sheep farmers are being converted into bad bootmakers and execrable tailors," and the exports for 1878 showed a decline of 20 per cent. from those of the year immediately preceding, particularly in wool, tallow, and hides. At the close of 1877 the price of Argentine bonds in the London market (taking those of 1868 for a guide) was 70; at the end of 1879 it was 90 to 92; and in December, 1880, some were, for the first time, sold at par. Here is an evident indication of financial prosperity. Yet one great drawback still proves a heavy drag on the financial and commercial prosperity of the country, namely, a depreciated currency which calls aloud for remedial measures. Gold, the "shuttle-cock of the bolsa," is still at a high premium. With the large influx of gold from Great Britain in 1879, and the confidence felt in the stability of the Government, there ought to be but little difficulty in reestablishing the Oficina de Cambios, making paper a legal tender at the former rate of 1225 pesos to the pound sterling, a financial achievement which would favor the flow of capital into the republic, and render commercial transactions safe and steady. As things have been for a number of years past, however,

Spain...
United States.
Uruguay.
West Indies.
Other countries.
In transitu...

2,631,000

724,000

2,177,000

8,794,000

2,116,000

128,000

943,000

3,076,000

$44,867,000

EXPORTS.

Total...

Chili. France Germany.. Great Britain. Italy. Paraguay. Spain... United States. Uruguay West Indies Other countries. In transitu...

Total...

The values of the principal commodities exported in the same year were as follows: wool (91,951,094 kilogrammes), $21,610,000; oxhides (2,336,799 kilogrammes), $8,149,000; horse-hides (317,429 kilogrammes), $292,000; sheep-skins (25,088,878 kilogrammes), $3,965,000; tallow (15,538,289 kilogrammes), $2,033,000; salt beef (32,309,577 kilogrammes), $2,812,000; animals (297,073), $2,130,000; hair (2,372,962 kilogrammes), $766,000; bones, $506,000; various skins, not above enumerated, $789,000. According to statistics, Buenos Ayres owned at the commencement of 1880, 5,116,029 head of cattle, or 936 for every 100 inhabitants; and 46,600,000 sheep, or 8,275 for every 100 inhabitants; which last figures are without a parallel elsewhere, though, singularly enough, the number of cattle in Uruguay was 6,000,000, or 1,385 per 100 inhabitants, while the number of the sheep was but 12,000,000.

No returns of shipping movements at the various ports of the republic have been published of a later date than those given in the "Annual Cyclopædia" for 1879.

and peace and order at home, have the first claim to the attention of Congress and of the new Government. The present army of the republic is a model of disinterestedness, fortitude, valor, and loyalty to its flag, but at the mercy of arbitrary dispositions, and without rules for its guidance or laws for its organization on a regular and systematized plan.

To the reforms required in this direction I shall devote my best endeavors, in order to avert the dangers of militarism, which is the suppression of liberty, at a more or less distant day, and make of the army a veritable institution, according to the terms of the Constitution and the requirements of modern progress. By this means, and being removed from party influence, it will occupy, as it now does, an exalted place in public opinion, and in the unfortunate event of our country's rights being endangered, be in a position to disinvolve an irresistible force. This measure will prove advantageous also in an economical point of view, doing away with useless expenses which weigh heavily upon the Treasury because of the impossibility for previous Governments to establish a perfect system of civil and military administration in the services connected with the army.

As for internal means of communication, they present to my mind an imperative and unavoidable necessity, which can not be neglected without injury to the common weal. It is indispensable to complete our railways to their natural termini in the north, west, and east, with their several branches, thus perfecting the facilities of travel and cementing the bonds of union between the provinces.

Such as have attentively watched the progress of this country can not have failed to observe, as you yourselves well know, the marked changes-economical, social, and political-effected by railways and telegraph lines in their progressive extension through the interior.

Rich and fertile provinces but await the construction of railways to increase their yielding powers a hundred-fold, with ready means of transportation to markets and the seacoast for their varied and magnificent products, representing the three kingdoms of na

ture.

For my part, I shall regard it as the greatest glory of my Government if, in three years from this day, we succeed in saluting with the whistle of the locomotive the towns of San Juan and Mendoza (the region of the vine and the olive), of Salta and Jujuy (the region of coffee, sugar, and other tropical products), and, throwing wide open at the same time our gates to the commerce of Bolivia, to receive the metals from her rich and inexhaustible mines.

I rely upon your aid, and that of the whole country, for the realization of these projects within the time specified, or sooner if possible; nor will the works mentioned be at all extraordinary or superior to our resources, if we can only live in peace.

The other branches of administration, such as immigration, public instruction, the enlightenment of all classes of society, the fostering care due to religion, commerce, arts, and industry-these have become normal duties which no Government can now neglect.

I must, nevertheless, make special mention of the necessity of peopling the desert territories, but yesterday the home of savage tribes and to-day the possible seat of populous towns, as the most efficient means of securing their possession.

I shall continue our military operations along the present frontier lines, north and south, until the complete subjection of the Patagonian and Chaco Indians, in order to blot out the military frontiers for ever, and not leave a single span of Argentine soil beyond the jurisdiction of the laws of the land.

Let us rid completely those broad and fertile regions of their traditional enemies who, since the days of the conquest, have ever retarded the development of our pastoral wealth; let us offer absolute security of life and property to those who engage their capital and their hands in the labor of fertilizing them, and we

shall soon see them peopled. by eager multitudes of every race and from every clime, the future founders of new states to swell the power and greatness of the republic.

A young and vigorous nation like our own, with a vast extent of territory, fertile lands, a favored climate, and liberal institutions, ought not to look with amazement at such feats as these, of the accomplishment of which elsewhere under similar circumstances numerous examples are recorded in the history of human societies.

We are the outline of a great nation destined to excrcise powerful influence in the civilization of America and of the world; but in order to complete the picture with full perfection of detail, we must enter with firm tread the path of regular life, as a people constituted in the image of those we have chosen for our model that is to say, we require lasting peace, order unbroken, and permanent liberty. And, touching these particulars, I declare aloud from this exalted seat that I may be heard throughout the entire republic, I will make use of all means and authority placed by the Constitution in the hands of the Executive power of the nation to avert, crush, and repress any attempt against the public peace. If in any spot of Argentine territory a fratricidal arm be raised, or a movement subversive of the constituted authority, thither the nation's whole power shall be directed to restrain them. Yet I trust there shall be no need of this; for there are now none either individuals or parties-any longer mighty enough to arrest the charfot of the republic's progress by the crime of a civil war. On the other hand, the liberties and rights of citizens will be faithfully protected; and political parties, so long as they keep within constitutional bounds and do not degenerate into revolutionary parties, may remain in peaceful security from interference or hindrance on the part of my Government. The door of the Constitution and the law is wide enough for all parties and all noble ambitions. And thus, who can doubt that the party which twice in the course of six years committed the error of attempting to repair electoral defeats by force of arms might this day be the legitimate directors of the destinies of the nation, had they not resorted to such odious extremes? In cases of doubt or of impossibility to discern where the rights of the citizen end and the attributes of the Government begin, my preference will always be to refrain from action, leaving time and public reason to solve the difficulty; and, should I be forced to take any steps that might affect the political interests of even the unworthiest of Argentines, I shall proceed upon mature reflection, and after having heard the opinion of my natural advisers and of the acknowledged eminent authorities which the country happily

possesses.

Our relations with foreign powers will be zealously maintained and fostered by my Government, care being taken to augment and strengthen the bonds of union between this republic and the most advanced nations. It will be my especial endeavor to preserve harmony with our neighbors, while strictly abstaining from interference in their internal concerns. And as for those with whom, in relation to boundaries, we have difficulties still pending, I shall seek to solve these in a manner worthy of all concerned, without yielding one iota where I understand the dignity, rights, or integrity of the republic to be affected.

As a consequence of these views, our obligations toward foreign commerce shall be regarded as sacred, and I shall spare neither pains nor sacrifices to preserve our credit, both at home and abroad, by scrupulous attention to the service of our debts; for I regard the national honor as dependent upon the faithful discharge of that duty.

ARGYLL, Duke of, GEORGE DOUGLAS CAMPBELL, K. T., the Lord Privy Seal in the new English Cabinet, was born April 30, 1823. He is the only surviving son of the seventh Duke

of Argyll, and succeeded his father on April 26, 1847. He sits in the House of Lords as Baron Sundridge and Hamilton, in the peerage of England. He held the office of Lord Privy Seal also in the Earl of Aberdeen's Cabinet from 1852 to 1855, and on the break-up of that Ministry he retained the office under Lord Palmerston's premiership. He afterward became Postmaster-General in the same Cabinet, but resumed the Privy Seal in 1859, exchanging again to the postmastership on Lord Elgin being sent to China in the following year. He retired in 1866. In the last Liberal Cabinet of Mr. Gladstone, the Duke of Argyll held (from 1868 to 1874) the position of Secretary of State for India. He has been a frequent speaker in the House of Peers on such subjects as Jewish Emancipation, the Scottish Marriage Bill, the Corrupt Practices at Elections Bill, the Sugar Duties, Foreign Affairs, the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill, the Scottish Law of Entail, the Repeal of the Paper Duties, etc. During the administration of Lord John Russell he generally supported the Government, but he identified himself with the Liberal Conservatives. He showed a special interest in all questions affecting Scottish interests brought before the House of Lords, especially in the affairs of the Church of Scotland. Even before he had succeeded his father, he took, as Marquis of Lorne, an active part in the controversy in the Presbyterian Church of Scotland relating to patronage, and was regarded as the chief support of Dr. Chalmers. The first pamphlets published by him, and entitled "A Letter to the Peers, from a Peer's Son" (1842), and "On the Duty and Necessity of Immediate Interposition in Behalf of the Church of Scotland," related to this question. Though an admiring friend of Dr. Chalmers, he condemned the Free-Church movement then in agitation among certain members of the General Assembly. The fullest exposé of his views on church matters is given in his work, "Presbytery Examined" (1848), which traces and critically reviews the history of the Presbyterian Church of Scotland since the Reformation. He was elected Chancellor of the University of St. Andrews in 1851, and Rector of the Glasgow University in 1854. In addition to the works already mentioned, he published in 1866 "The Reign of Law," which had a very large circulation; in 1869, "Primeval Man: an Examination of some Recent Speculations"; and in 1870 a small work on the "History and Antiquities of Iona," of which island he is proprietor. He is Hereditary Master of the Queen's Household in Scotland and Keep. er of the Great Seal of Scotland, Lord-Lieutenant and Hereditary Sheriff of Argyllshire, and a Trustee of the British Museum. He was married to Lady Elizabeth, daughter of the second Duke of Sutherland. His wife died in 1878. Of his children, five sons and seven daughters were living in 1880. The eldest son, the Marquis of Lorne, married, in 1871, the Princess Louisa, fourth daughter of Queen Victoria.

ARKANSAS. The correct pronunciation of the name of this State has been a subject of investigation by a joint committee of the Eclectic and the Arkansas Historical Society. According to the results of their research, it appears that the name was taken from that of a tribe of Indians inhabiting the country upon the northern bank of the river of the same name. The early French explorers caught from them the sounds of the name, and endeavored to represent them by French modes of spelling. In other words, it belongs to the class of Gallicized Indian names, which, together with those of purely French origin, make so important a part of the nomenclature of the rivers, mountains, and prairies of the territory purchased from the French under the name of Louisiana. In the old diaries, notes, reports, and rude maps of the early French, the name is differently spelled. Each, having no guide, made his own phonetic effort to represent sounds heard upon the lips of the natives. In one point all agree, that the sounds represented by the letters and syllables can, in the French language, be nothing different from that pronunciation which afterward became common, namely, the pronunciation of those syllables with the finals silent, and the broad sound of a in each. This French pronunciation passed afterward to the Americans, prior to and with their purchase of the territory, and was used by all the people, as well as by statesmen in official transactions. This is illustrated by the American spelling, which for a while was adopted, to indicate approximately the French sounds. The English not having the final silent s, the letters aw were introduced temporarily to avoid corruption in pronunciation. They nearly, but not quite, represent the broad sound of a in the French, with the silent s. This became the spelling of Congress. It caught the pronunciation and transported it into the English at a critical period, when it might have been lost or corrupted, as many French names of less importance have been, to the point of entire disguise. When the pronunciation had become familiar, and the danger was thought to be past, the better taste of the more cultivated people, among whom was Governor Izzard, of the State, insisted upon a restoration of the original orthography, which was easily effected, and now universally adopted. But for uniformity, however, it would still be pardonable to use the orthography of Congress, in the act establishing the Territory.

Through these changes in spelling the pronunciation remained unaltered, and was retained by all the people until a quite recent period, and is still used by a very large majority of the people of all classes. The origin of the other pronunciation, which is used by a small class of educated people and has obtained recognition, to some extent, among lexicographers, although quite recent, eludes all investigation. By it the accent is cast on

the middle syllable, the final is sounded, and the Italian sound of a in the second and third syllables changed to the sound of a in can instead of its sound in car. The committee say: "We are happy to state, however, that we find this vicious habit less universal and less firmly established than the honor given it by lexicographers led us to fear. It has never obtained except among a small class of immigrants from more distant States. It is almost unknown in those States which have furnished the great mass of our population, and entirely so among those born and bred in the State, or who came here at an early period. We are, therefore, unanimous, and without hesitation in declaring it, as the result of our inquiries, that the true pronunciation of our State is in three syllables, with the broad Italian sound of a in each, and with the final s silent, with the accent on the first and last. The spelling is correct, and indicates properly its French origin. The polite world will doubtless concede to our State the privilege of fixing the pronunciation of its own name. The pronunciation herein indicated as proper, is now retained and commonly used by the Governor, heads of departments, and all the Judges of our Superior Courts. We beg leave to recommend that it continue to be used in all official viva voce proceedings."

The Hot Springs adjustment was finally secured by an act of Congress, passed on June 16, 1880. The important features of the act may be briefly stated. It provides that every person, his heirs or legal representatives, in whose favor the commissioners appointed by Congress, relative to the Hot Springs of Arkansas, have adjudicated, shall have the sole right to enter and pay for the amount of land the commissioners have adjudged him entitled to purchase. This privilege continues for eighteen months after the expiration of the notice required by the tenth section of the act of Congress of March 3, 1877. The person so entering land must pay to the receiver at Little Rock forty per cent. of the assessed value of said land placed thereon by the commissioners.

A large and unadjusted claim is held by the State against the Government of the United States. Under an act of Congress of 1850, designed to aid in the construction of the necessary levees and drains to reclaim the swamp and overflowed lands, Congress gave to the State the whole of such overflowed lands not then fit for cultivation. The Interior Department, by this authority, reported as due 8,652,432.93 acres, and of this amount 7,627,812-14 have been approved to the State, and 7,121,953 acres actually patented. There still remain unapproved 1,024,620.79 acres, and of the approved lands no patent has been issued for 505,858.66 acres. The matter is complicated from the fact that Arkansas is largely indebted to the Smithsonian Institution, which is under the charge of the Government. This

Institution holds 500 $1000 bonds of the State of Arkansas issued in 1838, and, as no interest has ever been paid, the indebtedness now stands at something like $2,000,000, and the United States has made this default on the State's part the occasion for withholding payment of the five per cent. fund due the State arising from the sale of public lands.

Another complication arises from the issue of patents to citizens for this land already granted to Arkansas, and the donation of another quarter million of acres to railroads as a subsidy. Efforts are being made to have Congress reduce the price of public lands in this State to 62 cents an acre, except the reserved alternate railroad sections. The State Land Commissioner, in the fifteen months before January 1, 1880, disposed of 146,664 acres of the public lands of the State by sale and 317,640 acres by free grant to actual settlers, against 127,415 acres sold and 183,743 acres donated to settlers in the twenty-four months preceding.

An amendment was proposed to the State Constitution, which was designed to take from the Legislature all authority to pay certain State bonds. To become valid, it was requisite that it should have been agreed to by a majority of all the members elected to each House of the Legislature, and adopted by a majority of the electors of the State. The amendment had passed the Legislature and was submitted to the voters at the election in September. It was in these words:

ARTICLE XX. The General Assembly shall have no power to levy any tax or make any appropriations to pay either the principal or interest, or any part thereof, of any of the following bonds of the State, to sembly of the State of Arkansas, entitled "An Act to wit: Bonds issued under an act of the General Asprovide for the Funding of the Public Debt of the State," approved April 6, A. D. 1869, and numbered from four hundred and ninety-one to eighteen hundred and sixty, inclusive, being the "Funding Bonds" ford Bonds," or bonds known as Railroad Aid Bonds, delivered to F. W. Caper, and sometimes called "Holissued under an act of the General Assembly of the State of Arkansas, entitled "An Act to aid in the Construction of Railroads," approved July 21, A. D. 1868, or bonds called "Levee Bonds," being bonds issued under an act of the General Assembly of the State of Arkansas, entitled "An Act providing for the Building and Repairing of the Public Levees of the State, and for other Purposes," approved March 16, A. D. 1869, and the supplemental act thereto, approved April 12, 1869, and the act entitled "An Act to amend an Act entitled, 'An Act providing for the Building and Repairing of the Public Levces of this State,'" approved March 23, A. D. 1871, and any law providing for any such tax or appropriation shall

be null and void.

At the election in September, this amendment was rejected by the people by a majority of nearly four thousand votes.

A Republican State Convention was held at Little Rock, on May 2d, at which John A. Williams was President. Delegates to the Chicago National Convention were appointed, and instructed to support General U. S. Grant for President. Presidential electors were also